Select Committee on Defence Seventh Report


4. Provisions relating to civil protection

19. Clause 2 of the draft bill requires certain persons and bodies—

  • to assess the risks of an emergency occurring;
  • to maintain plans to ensure both that they can continue to perform their functions and that they can respond effectively in the event of an emergency;
  • to inform the public about those assessments and plans (as far as is appropriate); and
  • to maintain arrangements for warning and informing the public in the event of an emergency occurring.

The persons and bodies concerned are listed in Schedule 1 of the draft bill and described as Category 1 Responders. They are, in summary, local authorities, the emergency services (police, fire and ambulance), the Environment Agency and, for maritime and coastal matters, the relevant Secretary of State.

20. The draft bill also defines what are called 'Category 2 Responders.' These are described in the consultation document as "key co-operating bodies in both the public and private sectors."[14] These bodies are the utility companies, rail and air operators, harbour authorities and the Health and Safety Executive.

21. Although we can assume that the Category 1 Responders will be principally responsible for civil contingency planning, the relationship between the two categories is far from clear. No provisions are contained in the bill itself which either give Category 2 Responders specific roles or responsibilities or set out how they should work with Category 1 Responders. Instead all these matters will be the subject of later regulations. The consultation document states—

Regulations to be made under the bill will consolidate the emphasis on partnership working already established at the local level, and the common interest in and approach to civil protection of local response organisations in all areas.[15]

According to the Partial Regulatory Impact Assessment which accompanies the draft bill—

The organisations in Category 2 will only be under a duty to share information and to co-operate in maintaining preparedness for possible emergencies affecting their areas of operation.[16]

22. The Government's intention is that the draft bill should "establish a new framework to reinforce partnership working and inter-agency co-operation at the local level." The Government will do this by "seeking to encourage the creation of Local Resilience Forums" (see paragraph 34 below).

23. The consultation document also contains proposals for arrangements at the national and regional levels and it is to those that we turn first.

Central Government

24. Central government's roles and responsibilities are not included in the draft bill. There is no mention of the Civil Contingencies Secretariat in the Civil Contingencies Bill. The consultation document states that all government departments have a responsibility to plan, prepare, train and exercise for handling incidents and emergencies that might occur within their field of responsibility. The principal purpose of Part I of the draft bill is to create a statutory basis for a similar responsibility in respect of local organisations including the emergency services. The result seems to be that the Government is seeking to impose statutory obligations on local authorities, emergency services and others, while being unwilling to see any imposed upon itself. The Government should explain why the draft bill does not include provisions relating to central government's national responsibilities for civil protection.

The Regional Tier

25. During our inquiry into Defence and Security in the UK last year, we encountered a fair degree of scepticism, notably from the Association of Chief Police Officers,[17] over the proposal that came out of the Emergency Planning Review for a greater role for the Government Offices of the Regions (GORs) in emergency planning. The Government, however, was clearly committed to the regional tier having a significant role. As part of the NHS reforms which led to Primary Care Trusts taking responsibility for emergency planning, the Department of Health introduced "strong regional public health groups, co-located in the nine Government Offices of the Regions [which] will have important functions in ensuring protection of health across each region including emergency and disaster planning and management."[18] On 3 March 2003 the Home Secretary announced that regional resilience teams would be in place in each GOR by 1 April. They would be "dedicated units, similar to the London Resilience team but on a smaller scale, to enhance regional civil contingency planning, including dealing with terrorist threats."[19] Additionally the Government's recent white paper Our Fire and Rescue Service states in its proposals for reforming the national, regional and local responsibilities of the service, "The regional level is acknowledged to be the right operational level for many functions, in particular securing the safety of the community in the event of terrorist attack or other major emergencies."[20]

26. The consultation document describes the roles now proposed for the regional tier. The arrangements are not simple. In addition to the Regional Resilience Teams (RRT), there will be Regional Resilience Forums (RRF), which will "bring together key players including central government agencies and the Armed Forces, and representatives of local responders."[21] The RRTs will be facilitators in their regions and advocates for their regions in Whitehall. The RRFs will initially map resilience capabilities in their areas and will then focus on capability planning "in close co-operation with local responder organisations."[22] They would not, however, have a role in the response to any emergency. For that a separate committee, the Regional Civil Contingencies Committee (RCCC), would be formed "to co-ordinate the regional response."[23] The membership of the RCCC would be broadly the same as that of the RRF; other organisations might be invited to attend depending on the circumstances.

27. The RCCCs will meet at three different levels. A first level meeting would be called where there was the threat or prospect of an emergency. A second level meeting would be called in the event of "a wide area disruptive challenge in the region."[24] A level three meeting could only be called following the formal declaration by the Government of a decision to take special legislative measures under the powers in Part II of the draft bill.

28. The final piece of the regional jigsaw is the Regional Nominated Co-ordinator (RNC). RNCs "would be senior individuals, capable of exercising clear leadership and dealing directly with the media."[25] They would be formally appointed only if special legislative measures were to be taken. Different RNCs would be appointed for different types of emergency. Candidates would be pre-nominated by the organisations represented on the RRFs. This approach deliberately mirrors the lead government department concept which is at the heart of the Government's national response arrangements. That concept is based on the principle that the Government needs to have available to it a broad range of capabilities owned by different departments. The lead department, for any particular emergency, is responsible for co-ordinating the Government's response, including obtaining the relevant resources and co-ordinating the support needed from other government departments and agencies, and for taking whatever executive decisions and actions are needed to handle the emergency from the centre.[26]

29. In Defence and Security in the UK we questioned whether the lead government department concept was appropriate for major emergencies, particularly one following a large scale terrorist attack. Many of our witnesses told us that the existence of different lead departments led to confusion as to who to contact in central government in particular circumstances. They wanted a single central co-ordinating body, in other words a one-stop shop. We were also concerned that spreading responsibility across different departments would dilute the expertise in, and experience of, actually handling emergencies to an extent that could undermine an effective response.

30. We are concerned that the proposals for Regional Nominated Co-ordinators risk repeating those problems. They also place greater emphasis on specialist expertise than on the ability to provide leadership in times of crisis. A Regional Director of Public Health, for example, may well be an expert in the spread of infectious diseases, but that does not automatically make him or her the best person to lead a co-ordinated cross-agency response to a catastrophic flu pandemic. A widely recognised lesson of the foot and mouth crisis of 2001 was that an effective response depended above all on the sort of leadership qualities which, in that event, were provided by the Armed Forces.

31. The RNCs are the only element of these elaborate regional arrangements which is explicitly provided for in the draft bill. Whenever Ministers invoke the emergency powers in Part II a RNC must be appointed for each region to which the special legislative measures introduced under those powers apply. Curiously the RNC is also expected to chair level 2 meetings of the RCCC, even though by definition those meetings can only take place before his or her formal appointment.[27]

32. The omission of the remaining regional tier arrangements from the draft bill is not explained. The consultation document simply states—

This activity is non-statutory and is not addressed by the Civil Contingencies Bill.[28]

At present, of course, most of the activity undertaken at all levels is non-statutory. The purpose of the draft bill is ostensibly to "provide the framework to replace the Civil Defence Act, and also reduce the reliance on permissive powers."[29] The Civil Defence Act, it should be noted, contributes very little to the work done at local level on civil contingency planning other than the payment of the salaries of some local authority emergency planning officers, through the Civil Defence Grant.

33. We believe that the decision not to include the regional tier in the framework established by the draft bill requires a proper explanation. The consultation document, for example, makes no reference to the possible role of regional assemblies, although the Government White Paper Your Region, Your Choice: Revitalising the English Regions, envisages the assemblies taking on the main co-ordination role in regional contingency planning. It is not clear whether this would require legislation.

The Local Tier

Local Resilience Forums

34. There is no mention of Local Resilience Forums in the draft bill, but as we noted above, the Government intends to encourage their creation. In the Government's view, local response capabilities are the building blocks of our ability to deal with emergencies.[30] The LRFs will be the means to bring those local capabilities together. One is to be established for each police force area.

35. At present, bodies analogous to the proposed LRFs exist in the majority, if not all, of the 47 police force areas in England and Wales. They are not uniform in composition, or in capability, and they are called by different names, although, following a recommendation for their establishment in the 2nd edition of Dealing With Disaster, most are known as Strategic (Emergency Planning) Coordination Groups. The majority are chaired by a chief constable or senior police officer, some by a local authority chief executive, and most cover the proposed Category 1 Responders, usually with the addition of a military representative. These bodies represent a major building-block of planning for and mitigation of major incidents.

36. As we have already stated, this is an enabling bill. The detail of what will be required of the bodies which make up the LRFs will be spelt out in regulations. The consultation document does not describe what is intended, although the Explanatory Notes to the draft bill do quote a few examples of what might be specifically included or excluded. So Category 1 Responders, on the one hand, might be required to prepare plans for mass decontamination and, on the other, might be required not to prepare an earthquake plan. We believe that the Government must provide much more detailed information on the content of the regulations which Ministers propose to make under the draft bill. Without that information it is impossible to judge to what extent the Government intends to do more at local level than entrench existing best practice.

37. Clause 2(3)(n), for example, provides that regulations "may make provision which operates wholly or partly by reference to the discretion of a Minister of the Crown or another specified person or body." The Explanatory Notes do not explain what use this power is intended to be put to, but, on the face of it, it appears to offer the possibility of providing Ministers with undefined, if not unlimited, discretionary powers. And Clause 2(3)(o) allows Ministers to make regulations which have effect despite other provision made by or by virtue of an enactment. Thus by secondary legislation Ministers may amend or replace primary legislation. This is what is known as a 'Henry VIII clause'. We expect that the Joint Committee will wish to explore the reasons for the inclusion of these two provisions.

38. Although the consultation document describes the roles of each respective tier, it does not, in our view, justify the need for each. In particular it does not answer the question posed by the Chief Constable of Hampshire Police Force—

what would a regional tier add in terms of value? If it adds value, I would welcome it enthusiastically but if it is simply another bureaucratic level I would not. If I am being asked a question by a senior civil servant in London, I do not want a middle-ranking civil servant in Guildford to be asking me the same question, particularly if we are in a crisis situation.[31]

On the contrary it seems rather to substantiate the fear of Hampshire's Chief Fire Officer—

What we are frightened of is another tier of meetings, another tier of bureaucracy coming in where we have already got enough of that.[32]

39. The Government clearly believes that genuine resilience can only be secured by contributions from the local, regional and national levels. They have described the structures by which they expect it to be delivered. They must now demonstrate not only that each is needed but also that the elaborate machine which they have designed will work efficiently and will deliver a level of resilience significantly greater than could be achieved by the ad hoc, but often effective, arrangements which these proposals replace.

Local responder bodies

40. Schedule 1 of the draft bill lists the bodies to be included in each of the two categories of responder. The consultation document canvases views on the content of those lists, and in particular on whether other NHS bodies should be included. These are issues which we are sure the Joint Committee will want to explore with the bodies concerned. We have a number of suggestions. In some cases the bodies we put forward may be represented on the proposed Regional Resilience Forums. But in the absence of any statutory entrenchment of RRFs we have not taken that as a reason for excluding them from LRFs. Under the bill as it is currently drafted inclusion as a local responder body is also the only way in which such bodies can be given a statutory responsibility to co-operate in civil contingency planning.

41. We find it surprising that Primary Care Trusts are not included, since responsibility for emergency planning in the NHS rests with them. We would also have expected the Health Protection Agency to be in Category 2. Its core functions are—

There may also be arguments for including certain relevant specialist hospitals in Category 2.

42. Voluntary organisations are not included, because, in the words of the consultation document, they "rely on the goodwill of their members and supporters to provide the services that they do, and because those services are not in themselves based on statutory obligations."[33] We accept that voluntary organisations should not be Category 1 Responders, but the option of including certain of them in Category 2 should be further explored. Several of the larger organisations, such as the Salvation Army, St John's Ambulance and the Women's Royal Voluntary Service, are capable of providing a valuable and predictable level of support in response to emergencies. As we have noted, the roles of Category 2 Responders are to be defined in regulations. We believe that it would be possible to draft those regulations so that they allowed relevant voluntary organisations to be involved in civil contingency planning without placing any unreasonable burdens upon them. We recommend that the Joint Committee explore this issue with the organisations concerned.

43. The Armed Forces will be represented at the regional tier. This seems logical since the Civil Contingency Reaction Forces (CCRF) are being established in each regional Brigade area and those areas with two exceptions match the Government Office regions which will be the basis for the regional tier. Similarly the improved mechanisms for contingency planning, liaison and command and control will be placed in regional Brigade headquarters. On the other hand, if the CCRFs are to be, as we described them in our report A New Chapter to the Strategic Defence Review, the "predictable element" of military assistance to the civil authorities, there would be an argument for including Armed Forces representation also in the LRFs where local plans are to be prepared. The Armed Forces are also, as we have seen, regularly involved in the existing local arrangements. Also, if military assistance were to be required during an emergency, particularly if that emergency was the result of a terrorist attack, the request for assistance would normally come from the local chief police officer. If chief officers are to know what resources the military may be able to provide, there would seem to be sense in having the military present on planning bodies which are after all to be based on police force areas. We believe that there are strong arguments for including the Armed Forces on Local Resilience Forums.

44. The private sector bodies listed in Category 2 are those "such as utilities and transport companies that will be involved…because of the nature of their role in the local area, that is the provision of services vital to the community and to businesses."[34] In some cases, such as the water and electricity companies, we would expect them in practice to assess risks and draw up plans in much the same way as will be expected of Category 1 Responders. We can understand that they might be reluctant to have such tasks made a statutory obligation, but we would expect Ministers to make clear in the regulations setting out their responsibilities as Category 2 Responders that they will be required to be active partners with the Category 1 Responders and to play a full part in the Local Resilience Forums.

45. Category 2 Responders "will be under a duty to co-operate with [Category 1 Responders] and to share information with them only."[35] The practical extent of that duty will presumably be defined in the regulations. As we have noted, the consultation document describes this happening through the Local Resilience Forums which will "bring together core and co-operating responders."[36] The implication is that the membership of the forums will include all the locally appropriate Category 1 and 2 Responders. If that is the intention, there may be an argument for limiting the number of bodies included: too many and the forums may become unwieldy and inefficient. Equally there will presumably be no obstacle to forums inviting other bodies to attend their meetings. Indeed the existing multi-agency groups, from which the forums are in many cases expected to develop, operate entirely on the basis of such informal co-operation. The purpose of the draft bill, however, is to give the "organisations that form the core of the local response a clear and consistent set of expectations and responsibilities in relation to civil protection"[37] which is intended to "ensure consistency of activity across the local response capability, delivering improvements in performance and communication, which in turn will deliver practical benefits."[38]

46. In our view there are strong arguments for substantially increasing the membership of Category 2, although it might not be necessary that all the additional bodies be members of Local Resilience Forums. A wide range of companies in the private sector, for example, might be expected to play an important part in the civil contingency planning process. The consultation document states that LRFs will be expected to determine what relationship they want with existing, statutory arrangements for managing major accident hazards at industrial sites, or on oil and gas pipelines or radiation emergencies. Such accidents, however, particularly if they involved a major chemical or radiation release, would clearly constitute a major emergency. Some of the sites may also be potential terrorist targets. We therefore believe that bodies owning or operating such sites should be included in Category 2.

47. In Defence and Security in the UK we expressed the view that the prospect of a statutory licensing regime for the private security industry created the opportunity to increase their involvement in counter-terrorist reinforcement. In April Assistant Commissioner David Veness told us that, as part of the training requirements being introduced with the new licensing regime—

the Police Service will be contributing counter-terrorist awareness as part of the basic competency framework that is going to be developed within the [Security Industry Authority]. We will also be asking that those who are engaged in that training are effectively our eyes and ears.[39]

We welcome the progress being made in this area and urge the Joint Committee to consider whether a private security industry which is governed by a statutory licensing regime should be included among those bodies given a statutory responsibility to co-operate in civil protection activities.

48. An issue which the draft bill does not address but which has been represented to us as a serious cause for concern is the lack of any legislative framework in respect of the security of private sector buildings. Comparisons are drawn with the fire regulations which place clear duties and responsibilities on the owners of commercial buildings. Commercial and private property has historically been the target of the majority of international terrorist attacks. It may not be appropriate to include these matters in this draft bill, but we urge the Government to recognise that the lack of legislative certainty has the capacity to undermine the ability of the owners of such buildings to take appropriate steps in the face of a prospective threat and thus that legislation in this area should be a priority.


14   Consultation document, p17 Back

15   Ibid, p17 Back

16   Partial Regulatory Impact Assessment, p36 Back

17   See HC (2001-02) 518, paragraph 277 Back

18   Ibid, Ev 201 Back

19   HC Deb, 3 March 2003, col 76WS Back

20   Cm 5808, paragraph 4.14 Back

21   Consultation document, p23 Back

22   Ibid Back

23   Ibid Back

24   Ibid Back

25   Ibid, p24 Back

26   Dealing with Disaster, p58-59 Back

27   Consultation document p23 Back

28   Ibid, p22 Back

29   Ibid, p16 Back

30   Ibid, p16 Back

31   Q 194 Back

32   Q 196 Back

33   Consultation document, p18 Back

34   Partial Regulatory Impact Assessment, paragraph 25 Back

35   Ibid, paragraph 22 Back

36   Consultation document, p19 Back

37   Ibid, p17 Back

38   Consultation document, p16 Back

39   Q 276 Back


 
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