Select Committee on Defence First Joint Report


3  GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

Fit for purpose?

20. The DTI consultation paper, while forthcoming about the practicalities of the legislative proposals it contains, reserves to an Annex comment on why the legislation is necessary and what precisely it is seeking to achieve.[17] Without an understanding of what the legislation is for, it is impossible to judge how well it achieves its aims.

21. In the words of the Government, its strategic export control policy aims are to:

    i)  Maintain an effective system of export controls to ensure that UK involvement in arms exports does not contribute to regional instability, internal repression or external aggression whilst supporting a strong defence industry and defence exports.

    ii)  Play a leading role in helping to strengthen international regulation of the arms trade.

    iii)  Prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.[18]

22. The first and third of these three aims are central to the legislative proposals under the Export Control Act. In the words of industry, British export controls need to be capable of "restrain[ing] the proliferation of military and dual-use technology to potential undesirable customers around the World". At the same time, the Government wants to avoid undermining "the normal commercial activities of legitimate UK firms".[19]

23. An ideal system of control would make it impossible for undesirable customers to obtain military equipment or technology from the United Kingdom, while at the same time it would impose only a minimal burden on those supplying desirable customers with the same equipment or technology. At the other end of the scale, the worst possible outcome would be a system which fails to prevent the supply of military equipment to undesirable customers while at the same time imposing a heavy regulatory burden on legitimate British business. We conclude that the effectiveness of the Government's proposals is to be judged by how well they are able in practice to discourage trade in military goods and technology where it is undesirable without also discouraging trade that the Government wishes to promote. An ability to do this depends in the first instance on having reliable methods of distinguishing between "legitimate" and "illegitimate" trade.

24. To be able to discourage "illegitimate" trade, it is necessary to be able to bring those conducting such trade to justice. It is pointless regulating those who are ready to play by the rules, if it is possible for less scrupulous individuals to ignore the law with impunity. Penalties for breaking the law need to be strong enough to act as a deterrent, and they need to be enforceable. We conclude that a further test of the proposals will be how effectively they can be enforced against those who have no regard for the letter of the law. Only effective enforcement will dissuade such people from involvement in trade in military equipment and technology.

Squaring the circle

25. Current legislation controls the export from the United Kingdom of military goods and of dual-use goods with a potential military use, as well as military technology in physical form and dual use technology in physical or electronic form. Any such export is illegal if not covered by a Government licence. The Government's proposals, as outlined above,[20] essentially extend this existing system of control to a variety of other transactions, such as the transfer of military technology in electronic form, and trade between overseas countries. But there are very real difficulties in doing so. Under the new proposals, it is not always straightforward to identify what sorts of transaction require a licence. Even when this is known, it is not always evident that a licensable transaction has taken place. Finally, there may be problems for the Government in establishing whether the law is being complied with.

26. It is relatively straightforward to impose controls on the export of goods from the United Kingdom: it is clear both to the Government and to the exporter at what point the export occurs, and therefore at what point a licence is required; and it is relatively easy to police as part of the normal duties of Customs and Excise officers. It is less straightforward for the United Kingdom to impose controls on the export of goods from another country: it is still clear at what point an export occurs, but it may not be clear to the exporter that a licence is required from the United Kingdom; and the British Government is only likely to discover that the export has taken place where it has very close inter-governmental links at the right level—or other sources of intelligence.

27. When it comes to the transfer of military technology in electronic form, it becomes yet more problematic to apply the same standards as for physical exports: it is not at all obvious when sending an e-mail where in the world the recipient will be when they read it; although, in terms of evidence, tracing an electronic communication may in some instances be easier than tracing the route of a physical object.

28. Finally, it is proposed to impose controls on acts "calculated to promote the arrangement or negotiation of a contract for the acquisition or disposal of controlled goods" between two overseas countries.[21] Such an act might be, for example, putting a potential customer in touch with a potential supplier in return for a fee. But this would occur prior to any export taking place—and it might be that no export in fact would take place. In such a situation, it would not be an export that was licensable at all, but another thing entirely. At what point would a licence be required, and how would either the potential licensee or the Government know that that point had been reached? And how would the Government seek to show that a licensable act had been illegally carried out? These are questions that we discuss further below. The basic point is that export itself cannot be used as the test here of whether a licence is required. This sort of situation arguably has more in common with other sorts of licensable activity—the right to practise certain professions, for example—than it has in common with the export of tangible goods.

29. We conclude that existing controls on exports of military goods from the United Kingdom are not obviously an appropriate template for all of the areas of activity that the Government intends to control through secondary legislation under the Export Control Act. We recommend that the Government should take care to recognise the essential differences between physical exports on the one hand and, on the other, electronic transfers, which are not physical, and brokering activities, which are not exports. Different sorts of activity may require different sorts of control.



17   Consultation document, Annex A: Partial Regulatory Impact Assessment Back

18   Ibid, p A. 2 Back

19   Ev33 Back

20   Paras 11-19 Back

21   Consultation Document, page G. 3, Draft Trade in Controlled Goods (Control) Order, section 4 (3) Back


 
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