Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 60-79)

RT HON GEOFFREY HOON

14 MAY 2003

  Q60  Mr Cran: So on what sort of issues, if you are at liberty to tell us and to put the question the other way, would the military commanders in the field feel obliged to come back to MoD in London and therefore perhaps, by extension, to you?

  Mr Hoon: All my experience would not suggest that there is quite that neat delineation of responsibility in the sense that this is a team of people who work together in the preparation of military plans, who work together in their execution and who continue to work together in looking at further military operations. I do not think you can break it down quite as neatly as your question suggests. I would have regular reports from theatre. I might raise questions from time to time as to what was happening and why it was happening. Perhaps something would come up that I was aware of that needed addressing, but not in the static way, if you will forgive me for saying so, that your question suggested. This is a process and it is a process that moved along at pretty high speed in this conflict, and there was never an occasion on which ministers were sitting back thinking about a decision whilst military commanders were waiting for the answer. If a decision needed to be taken it was taken very quickly.

  Q61  Mr Cran: I was tempted for my last question to ask you what the key decisions were that you took, but I think I am going to wait for your memoirs to read about what they were.

  Mr Hoon: You may wait a long time.

  Q62  Mr Cran: Let us wait and see. What I am going to ask you instead is about the relationship you had with your opposite number in the Pentagon because there was quite a lot of press comment, speculation—who knows?—right or wrong. I have no idea. Could you tell us what the relationship was and what was the extent of your contact? Was it daily? What was it?

  Mr Hoon: It was certainly very regular. I could not say to the Committee that it was daily. There were times when every day we spoke but there were other times when that was not necessary. Bear in mind that I would meet with the Defense Secretary of the United States on a pretty regular basis even before Iraq was a direct and specific issue, so our relationship goes back rather further than this particular context. We have always been able to speak frankly and openly to each other and part of the reason for that is that we do not disclose the contents of those conversations. But I can assure you that there was excellent co-ordination at every level between the Ministry of Defence and the Pentagon.

  Q63  Mr Cran: So it was a harmonious relationship despite the comment that I think was Mr Rumsfeld's, "We like the Brits but they are not really necessary", if I recall the general quote?

  Mr Hoon: I think that is an unfair summary of what he actually said. Donald is a very astute observer of the political situation, particularly in this country, and he knew, as I knew, and as members of this Committee knew, that there were certain constitutional conventions pertaining to decisions of the House of Commons. I think you will find if you look carefully at what he actually said that he was simply aware of the impending vote in the House of Commons, as were we all.

  Q64  Syd Rapson: The trigger for war was the "opportunity" assassination strike on the Iraq leadership on the night of the 19 March. How far did that pre-empt the very careful planning that was ongoing at that time?

  Mr Hoon: I think it is fair to say that it accelerated certain decisions that were in any event going to be implemented very shortly. I have emphasised already in my opening statement the importance of preserving, for example, the infrastructure of Iraq for the future of the Iraqi people and certainly the strike of 19 March made sure that we were focused on the preservation, especially in the south, in our specific area of operation, of that infrastructure and took decisions accordingly.

  Q65  Syd Rapson: Did that particular strike, that caught us all out, and I am sure it caught the Iraqi leadership out, bring forward the Royal Marine attack on the Al Faw peninsular on the 20th?

  Mr Hoon: When you say "bring forward", there was no difficulty. Those forces were poised and ready to do the important job on the Al Faw peninsular and begin the move north. As I say, there was some acceleration in the timescales but essentially we are talking hours rather than days.

  Q66  Mr Howarth: As operations progressed, Secretary of State, what were your greatest concerns?

  Mr Hoon: Winning.

  Q67  Mr Howarth: That was your concern at the outset, but it looked at times as if it was going to be a bit more difficult.

  Mr Hoon: It carried on being my concern.

  Q68  Mr Howarth: There were times when it was looking less easy than first appeared to be the case.

  Mr Hoon: I have never ever believed that military conflict is easy. The risks, the uncertainties, the unpredictabilities, the danger of what we are asking people to become involved in should never lead anyone to assume that it is easy and I have never done so in any of the operations in which I have been involved.

  Q69  Mr Howarth: Some commentators have suggested that the force that we sent was the maximum that we could have put together. In the event that it had not gone as well as it did and we had been in a much more prolonged campaign, what contingency plans did you have for reinforcements, or were you going to rely upon the United States?

  Mr Hoon: I would need you to be a little more specific about length, because we went through this as I recall when Mr Mercer asked me these questions in a Question Time. We had a balanced force, we knew that that force could remain in theatre, as it is doing, for a reasonable length of time to conduct not only combat operations but also any follow-on of humanitarian operations. Clearly, had the conflict gone on for what, with the benefit of hindsight, would have been a very long time, going into many months, we would then have had to make judgments about the replacement in particular of combat forces because clearly it would not be reasonable to expect combat forces to maintain that high intensity conflict for large numbers of months. We would then have made decisions as to how to replace them. That would have been possible and continues to be possible and in due course we will be replacing some of those forces in theatre.

  Q70  Mr Howarth: You did have contingency plans therefore to do that?

  Mr Hoon: We could have done so. We could have found other forces if necessary but, as I think I made clear to Patrick when he raised it with me, I would prefer not to have to do so, and that remains the case. As it is, we have not needed to do so in the way that I have just set out to you because the conflict did not last for very many months and the kinds of replacements that we will be sending into theatre in due course will be replacements that can be managed from our existing resources.

  Q71  Mr Howarth: It is replacements, not reinforcements, which is the key issue here. There is a sense in which some commentators feel that we got away with it and that, for example, had we faced an enemy which had an air force—the Iraqis had none—

  Mr Hoon: They did have an air force. They chose not to use it.

  Q72  Mr Howarth: Half of it was exported to Iran. I think you will agree that they presented no credible air power, but had we had to contain some of that do you not agree that we would have been facing a rather different situation in which we might have taken a rather high level of casualties and would have needed reinforcements?

  Mr Hoon: I do not accept that because the forces that we made available in coalition with the Untied States were forces designed to deal with the highest level of estimation of what the Iraqis could achieve. The force was specifically designed on the most optimistic assumptions of what Iraq could throw at us.

  Q73  Mr Howarth: You mean the most pessimistic assumptions?

  Mr Hoon: Optimistic from their point of view: what they could manage in terms of a military response to what we were going to put into theatre.

  Q74  Mr Howarth: We were talking about reinforcements, Secretary of State, as you will recall, and obviously you touched on Operation Fresco, the firemen's strike, and you downgraded the requirement from 19,000 to 16,000, and it is now down to 9,000, but it is still a huge constraint on your ability to deploy. What were your plans in the event that the firemen had gone on strike in the middle of all this because my constituents who are in the Armed Forces are pretty fed up with this Operation Fresco nonsense, so can you tell us that? Can you also just tell us why you are withdrawing regular personnel and leaving reservists out there?

  Mr Hoon: Can I, I am afraid, again dispute with you the premise. We did deploy and we deployed very successfully, even though 19,000 of our forces had been earmarked for emergency firefighting duties, so there was no difficulty about the deployment caused by Operation Fresco and the deployment was extremely successful, so I am not sure I really need to comment further on the balance of your question. The premise that you set out was wrong. As far as reservists are concerned, generally speaking, the principle will be that any reservist deployed alongside regular forces who are returning to the United Kingdom will return with them. The whole point about integrating our reservists into regular forces, consistent with the SDR, is that they are usable and when the regular forces have completed their operations, they will return with those regular forces. There are some limited exceptions to that mainly in the medical field, but the purpose of leaving medical reservists in theatre is to give regular medical forces a break so that they can then return to theatre, relieving the reservists in the process, so that is an exception, but, generally speaking, the principle will be that reservists will return with the regular forces to which they are attached.

  Rachel Squire: As you know, the Committee always takes a keen interest in the issue of reservists and also medical units, so I think that may be one we come back to, but I am aware that the time that we have left is very short, so can we move on.

  Q75  Patrick Mercer: May I talk, Secretary of State, about British operations in western Iraq. What was the extent of Scud activity in western Iraq?

  Mr Hoon: None.

  Q76  Patrick Mercer: Were any launches forestalled?

  Mr Hoon: There were certainly launches. Missiles fell on Kuwait and some fell into the water near Kuwait and quite a number were destroyed by Patriot missile batteries in northern Kuwait, but I am not aware of any of those being launched from what I would generally take to be western Iraq.

  Q77  Patrick Mercer: Can you tell us whether any launchers were found in western Iraq?

  Mr Hoon: I cannot, no.

  Q78  Patrick Mercer: What was the role of British forces in western Iraq?

  Mr Hoon: By the way, I could, but I cannot!

  Q79  Patrick Mercer: Yes, I understand that. What was the role of British forces in western Iraq?

  Mr Hoon: By and large, the forces deployed in western Iraq were special forces and I am not going to go into the detail of what they were doing.


 
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