Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by David Gompert (January 2003)

  It is a privilege to appear before the House of Common's Defence Committee. Your network-centric operations is timely, and your interest in an American perspective is appreciated. Please understand that I do not speak for the US Government or RAND, which takes no positions on policy matters.

  Network-centric operations represent not only a revolution in military affairs but also the extension of the information technology revolution to military affairs. Although the military pioneered computing, it has lagged the commercial world, especially sophisticated private sector IT users, for at least two decades. The real IT revolution began with the merging of computing and communications, enabled by a take-off in microelectronics and distributed processing when the old US Bell system was broken up. Since then, we have learned that IT, especially networking, can transform the way institutions work, with powerful effects on productivity—but only if those institutions transform themselves. Networking permits transformed organisations to operate with much greater awareness, with greater precision, and in defiance of distance.

  Those three advantages are now available to those military organisations that have the resources, skills and, as important, willingness to adapt to exploit IT and embrace networking. The US military has begun to change, albeit after some delay and slowly. I have no doubt that the British military has the vision, ability and will to transform. Scale should not be a problem for the UK because of close strategic, military, industrial, and technological links with the US and the UK.

  Network-centric operations gain the three advantages of IT—

    1.  Greater awareness, also known as information dominance since no plausible adversaries possess this capability. It comes from improved sensors and the means rapidly to fuse, distribute, filter, interpret and use the data and images they acquire. It reduces risks and permits decisive action.

    2.  Precision effects, with declining regard for range. Thanks to a variety of target acquisition and guidance improvements (on-board and off-board), we can strike what we can find soon after we find it. By improving standoff strike, precision makes it less necessary for ground forces to close on targets in order to be certain of destroying them, and it reduces collateral damage while increasing lethality. It thus concentrates violence where enemy forces are, not ours.

    3.  The ability to network forces, enabling them to operate in a more integrated yet also more dispersed fashion. It improves maneuverability, survivability, lethality, and control. It permits small units, which are more deployable, agile and elusive than large ones, to operate with less fear of being destroyed. Networking enables every part of the force to benefit from awareness and precision effects and, in the extreme, any unit to call upon the sensors and firepower of the force as a whole.

  This last is both the greatest advantage and also the hardest to realise because, unlike awareness and precision strike, it demands change in how forces are organized and managed—as units that operate jointly with less reliance on traditional service echelons, and with decentralized command and control.

Revolutions that demand sweeping change require strong motivation. We know from military history that it normally takes a disaster, a vital threat, or a peer challenger to create sufficient motivation—conditions that do not exist for the United States or its allies. Then why, and why now, has transformation to network-centricity begun? And why for some countries but not others, even within NATO?

  The prime motivation is the appearance of asymmetric threats since the last of the old-style conflicts, the Gulf War. These threats are caused by a combination of the spread of modern weapons (eg, SAMs and SSMs) and technologies (chemical, biological and IT itself) and by the urge of hostile powers to neutralise our superiority. In particular, we can observe a steady growth of anti-access capabilities, of terrorism with global reach, and of weapons of mass destruction. If because of these capabilities the United States were to lose its ability or will to intervene to protect Western interest and peace in key regions, we would be in a very different and very dangerous world. Bluntly put, transformation is needed to preserve the credibility of our threat to use force against those who threaten peace. First conceived as a way to counter hostile states, it appears that networking can also be effective in destroying nodes in terrorist networks.

  Even with this incentive, the US military undertook little genuine change to network-centric concepts, capabilities and organisation between the Gulf War and 11 September, and is still in the foothills of transformation. The process is now accelerating in the US out of concern for terrorism and WMD-armed rogues, but it will take years of investment in and organising for network-centricity, especially with the imbedded base of legacy weapons and communications systems, traditional structures, and anti-joint habits.

  In practical terms, the investments and measures needed to advance this process include:

    —  Technology, especially jointly interoperable C2, diverse ISTAR[1] including unmanned systems, PGMs[2], an array of advanced penetrating[3] and stand-off strike systems, and missile defense. It also requires a light, fast, lethal, air-deployable replacement for the main battle tank.

    —  Concepts of operations that include ground force assault from any direction, including overhead, linked to precision strike power from helicopters, missiles, and ship- and land-based aircraft.

    —  New units, such as the naval expeditionary strike forces (without carriers) and integrated combat brigades—more modular forces that can be tailored, assembled and deployed in days, not months.

    —  Air and fast-sea mobility,—both without which we cannot take advantage of the rapid deployability that is inherent in lighter forces, smaller units, and reduced logistics burdens.

  It is crucial to be mindful of some potential Achilles' heels of networking:

    —  Information warfare (IW) could be a problem if less sophisticated adversaries acquire the ability to attack either military C2 or ISTAR or, more likely, commercial links and software on which preparations and operations increasingly depend. For example, IW is a Chinese priority.

    —  Urban warfare is a dog that did not bark in either Iraq 1 or Afghanistan. It is better to have networking, awareness and precision than not in urban warfare, but they are no panacea.

    —  Coalition and alliance operations will become ever harder and as non-network-centric forces are unable to plug into or join the increasingly integrated and fast operations of networked forces.

  As for the ability of US and UK forces to operate together, I am very optimistic. There is a strong will on both sides to retain and improve this ability—for the UK in order to have the option of operating alongside the US wherever and on whenever required, and for the US because it otherwise might have to fight unilaterally, which is against its nature. I am less sanguine about our other NATO allies, which lack the motivation and, by their choice, the defense resources to transform. The Prague initiatives may be the last chance to avoid a de facto NATO division of labour—high-low as well as geographic.

  In this regard, I think the UK is in a pivotal position. The eyes of our other allies are as much on the UK as on the US, as recent French official statements indicate. Similarly, the US-UK model is the right one for other allies: Cooperation in concept development and experimentation (CDE), in technology sharing, in new approaches to command and control for forces integrated by common networks, and in exercising together. UK transformation can also stimulate US transformation: in my view, the UK military leads the US military in jointness, decentralized C2, and adaptability.

  In sum: UK progress in preparing for network-centric operations is important for the US-UK and wider alliance and for keeping the United States from drifting away from coalition operations. US-UK cooperation can help the UK prepare for network-centric operations. And the UK can help its large and often ponderous ally transform its forces, which is good for our common security.with network-centric operations.



1   Intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance. Back

2   Precision-guided munitions. Back

3   Eg stealthy aircraft, unmanned vehicles and missiles. Back


 
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