Select Committee on Education and Skills Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 280-299)

WEDNESDAY 26 FEBRUARY 2003

MS MANDY TELFORD, MR CHRIS WEAVERS, DR SOFIJA OPACIC AND MS LINDSEY FIDLER

  280. If you had a choice, though? You have got one pot of money and the Secretary of State is not getting any more from the Chancellor. Where would you put that money in terms of providing greater access? If that is the starting point, would it be back-end paying off fees, or would it be taking that money and increasing the maintenance allowance—increased from £1,000 to whatever—and, also, raising the amount which you means-test in order to access that maintenance grant?
  (Ms Telford) So that is a maintenance grant plus upfront tuition fees?

  281. No, no. The Government has said they are going to pay off tuition fees, which ordinarily people would pay off back-end. Yes? After their degree.
  (Ms Telford) Not always.
  (Ms Fidler) Can we just clarify?

  282. The Government has said the fees will be paid off after graduation. So that is a cost to the Exchequer. Would the Government be better in taking that money that they are going to use to pay off those fees post-ed and actually providing greater maintenance allowances in advance—when one considers access and the points that Mandy Telford has made about the small amount of grant and the means test?
  (Ms Fidler) And, therefore, maintaining an upfront fee that was differentiated? Is that—

  283. No. Does anyone else understand what I am talking about? I will have one more stab at this and then shoot myself, I think.

  Chairman: Jonathan is going to have one more stab. As they say on University Challenge "Please listen carefully".

Jonathan Shaw

  284. It may well be me. It more than likely is. The Government are giving up to £1,000 to students whose parents are earning less than £10,000. Those are small amounts, which is the NUS' position. What the Government have said, also, is that they will pay the fees of poorer students after they have graduated. Would it be better for everyone to pay their fees and we take that money that the Government would spend on paying off those fees and give it front-end, so increasing the maintenance allowances and also raising the threshold against which the maintenance allowances are assessed? You have got one pot of money. Where would you put it?
  (Ms Telford) I think what we would say, if we had one pot of money, is that we would revert back to the suggestions in both Scotland and Wales, on Cubie and Reece, which was, essentially, that the money is targeted to students from the poorer backgrounds and given as a grant upfront, then everybody pays regardless of their backgrounds back-ended once they are earning a certain amount of money.

Chairman

  285. What is coming over is that—I know it is a very old expression—you want your cake and eat it too. I do not think this session is going to be televised but you would be coming over as pretty selfish and rather greedy as the NUS, would you not? You do not want to pay anything and you want everything. At the same time, when one looks at your evidence, you cannot make up your mind. Do you want to help poor students or do you want to help large numbers of students from quite affluent backgrounds? Is there no moral crusade in the NUS any more that you want to help poorer students? If you do, sometimes it is difficult because you have to penalise the ones who are better off to help the poorer ones.
  (Ms Telford) I think there is a huge moral crusade in the National Union of Students. We are trying to ensure our members are not saddled with debt and not saddled with hardship. What this debate is about is the maintenance grant and it is about paying for fees.

  286. So morally you only care about your members and not the poor people out there that do not get any higher education but have to pay the tax?
  (Ms Telford) Of course we do.

  287. It does not come out of your literature.
  (Ms Telford) What we are debating at the moment is targeted maintenance grants and the paying for fees whether they be upfront, back-ended or top-up fees. The student loan, which we are not asking to be scrapped at all, is still there, is still going to be a personal debt to the student and is still a debt that they are going to have to take out to get—

  288. I would not think you would want to get rid of the loan, it is interest-free. Not many of my constituents get interest-free loans.
  (Ms Telford) Almost.

  Chairman: No, with inflation it is interest-free.

Valerie Davey

  289. That is the issue I wanted to come on to. I was at the meeting at which Charles Clarke congratulated you for your very persuasive argument to keep the virtually interest-free maintenance. Yet do you have any idea what it costs the Government every year to subsidise the virtually interest-free loan?
  (Ms Fidler) What is Nicholas Barr's figure at the moment?

  290. It is something like £800 million and it will go up under the new system to well over £1 billion a year. That is the subsidy just for the loan, on which I know of students who are absolutely delighted because they are re-investing that money. Those are the ones who are able to re-invest the money and do very well. When the Bristol Chamber of Commerce, the Junior Chamber of Commerce, met me many years ago now, that was the element they were critical of, because they were saying "If I have to invest in a business I have to take out a bank loan." Why are you not investing in your future at—I would not argue for the going rate—at least the middle term at which the Government borrows, so that something is paid back on that loan?
  (Mr Weavers) We would certainly recognise that there is a very small minority of students who do use the loan amount in that way. Certainly from personal experience it is a very small number. However, the way the system is run on the current levels of interest payable, which equates to approximately the rate of inflation, means that those people graduating and going to less well-paid backgrounds are accumulating a much higher debt. The current system means very positively that the person who goes to become a teacher and pays off their loan over the period of 20, 30 or 40 years or maybe gets it written off at retirement does not actually pay off more over the course of their career than the very fortunate person who then goes to work in the City of London and is able to pay their loan off over a couple of years. Any system that introduced either a commercial rate of interest or any form of higher rate of interest would penalise the less well-paid, public sector worker on graduation to the benefit of the person who goes off to work in the City of London as a investment banker, or whatever else, which clearly is a very positive thing that we want to prevent from happening.

  291. I understand that argument and I have heard it put very persuasively, indeed, by Margaret Hodge herself. However, the actual figure of about £1 billion—are you really saying that is the way you want £1 billion of higher education expenditure from this Government spent? Of all the priorities, that is where it should be spent?
  (Ms Telford) Basically, the NUS does not support raising the interest rate on loans because it would mean that those who are the poorest graduates will pay the most for the rest of their lives. The richest graduates will pay it off quickly and the poorest will be paying it off forever and, therefore, accruing lots of interest. It will also prohibit take-up by certain groups. For example, Muslim students are not allowed to get themselves into debt and, therefore, will not be allowed to take out the government student loan because it will have a commercial interest rate on it.

  Valerie Davey: I take your point, but just recognise that it costs £1 billion.

Chairman

  292. So we cannot have any interest on student loans because of the minority of Muslim students who might be put off by this. Is that your defence?
  (Ms Telford) No, and also because we would like to protect the poorest graduates in society because they will be the ones paying for it longer.

Mr Jackson

  293. Do you think it is entirely rational to assume in your implicit economic model that if there is a substantial amount of student debt to be repaid from subsequent earnings there will be no change in the structure or distribution of those earnings?
  (Ms Fidler) I am sorry. Can you repeat the question.

  294. I think it is fairly straightforward. Do you think it is rational to assume that there will not be any change in the amount of money that graduates get paid when they have additional claims arising from their debt acquired as students?
  (Ms Fidler) Employers will not increase wages as a result?

  295. Including public sector employers.
  (Ms Fidler) It is a problematic area because we are only hypothesising at the moment. We do not know.

  296. There has been some experience with student loans for maintenance, and the arrangements that have been made, for example, to pay reductions in debt for people going into teaching.
  (Ms Fidler) But it is unlikely that, for example, graduates going into the voluntary sector are going to be able to have their earnings increased by voluntary sector organisations because there simply is not the money in that sector to increase wages. It is very difficult to expect employers across the board to increase wages in lieu of graduate debt.

  297. What proportion of students go into the voluntary sector?
  (Ms Fidler) I cannot answer that. I do not have the figures for that.

Ms Munn

  298. I just want to clarify two points. You are saying that you like the idea of independence and young people being treated as independent from their parents post-18, except when it comes to tuition fees when you do not want students from poorer backgrounds to pay tuition fees?
  (Ms Telford) No, that is not what we are saying. We are saying that under the current situation students from poorer backgrounds do not have to pay tuition fees because their parents will be assessed but if the fees were back-ended then it would be the independence at 18 argument. We would also like to see the student loans being assessed on students' individual income rather than their parents' income.

  299. So you would say that the Government is saying at the moment the poorest of students—and quite a lot of students—do not pay the £1,100 fee, and you are saying they would have to pay that because they would be paying, back-ended, the whole of that amount or up to £3,000 if it was a differential fee?
  (Ms Telford) We would say that if there has to be a graduate contribution then it would have to be based on graduate wages. That is the important thing. It would have to be once you have financially benefited from your education. What we recommend is £25,000. It does not matter where you have come from, it does not matter what your parents earn; what matters is what your graduate salary is.


 
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