Select Committee on Education and Skills Written Evidence


22. Memorandum submitted by the National Union of Teachers (DP 24)

  1.  The National Union of Teachers welcomes the opportunity to make a contribution to the Education and Skills Committee's inquiry into the diversity of provision in secondary education.

  2.  The NUT would emphasise that the vision of public education should respond to the talents and aspirations of all students in a diverse society. It is a vision that teachers in the comprehensive maintained system have realised time and time again. Teachers have proved that they would welcome and facilitate change where the purpose and motivation is to enhance their ability to meet the needs of their pupils.

  3.  The NUT recognises and, indeed, has been in the forefront of arguing for the transformation of education. A recently published DEMOS/National Union of Teachers' Report, "Classroom Assistants Why Teachers must Transform Teaching", makes it clear that "Most teachers argue consistently that centrally-driven education reforms meant that they experienced changes and a never-ending barrage of externally imposed, randomly timed, and badly managed initiatives that they have little constructive role in helping to shape".

  4.  There needs to be an understanding of the need for genuine partnership between teachers, their organisations, and Government. At the beginning of its 1997-2001 administration, the Labour Government said that it would concentrate on standards, not structures. Yet, the Government now focuses on the future of secondary schools as being able to deliver "autonomy" and "diversity". Such concepts bear no relation to the experience of teachers and the changes needed to enhance the quality of education in schools. Instead, they have a remarkable similarity to the previous Conservative Government's provision of "diversity and choice". The Government's concepts still hold to the failed ideas of fragmentation and competition, rather than integration and incorporation.

  5.  So arid was the previous Conservative Government's vision that, in 1996, the Audit Commission, in its report "Trading Places", observed that the structural consequences of the concept of "diversity and choice" were leading to "planning gridlock" instead of equality of access to secondary schools.

  6.  Instead of reflecting on the failed principles of the previous Conservative Government's approach to secondary education, the Government should have promoted principles similar to those adopted by the National Assembly of Wales. In its White Paper, "The Learning Country", the Assembly focused on high standards and expectations; the removal of barriers to learning; the celebration of the professional judgment of teachers, lecturers and trainers; evidence-based policies; and the development of policies and programmes based on partnership. These principles are far more visionary than notions of "autonomy" and "diversity" and far more relevant.

  7.  The NUT would urge the Government to ensure that a full debate continues with all key organisations, including trade unions, on the future of 14-19 education with any proposals arising from that debate being properly resourced and having lead-in times for implementation with which schools and students can cope.

  8.  A 14-19 system of education does not imply that the needs or aptitudes of students are the same throughout their teenage years. Neither does it mean that the strengths within vocational and occupational routes should be ignored. The organisation of the curriculum in secondary schools should, however, guarantee an entitlement to a balanced and broadly-based curriculum.

  9.  There are many ways of achieving this approach, including credit accumulation and approaches based on the Baccalaureate. A Welsh Baccalaureate is about to be piloted and the NUT suggests that the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority conducts developmental work on the lines of a similar Baccalaureate for England. In short, the NUT believes that new forms of entitlement can be explored which secure professional consensus.

DIVERSITY OF PROVISION

  10.  It is clear that many secondary schools are being forced down the specialist school route simply because of the additional resources being made available. An average increased funding of 3.5% for specialist schools, compared with non-specialist schools, both illustrates the funding inequities involved and the very real financial, rather than educational, incentives to bid.

  11.  The Government appears to envisage a three-tier rather than a two-tier system of education. The introduction of moving towards specialist status, combined with specialist and advanced specialist status, compounds the detrimental effects of a tiered system.

  12.  The advantages available to specialist schools will be such that they can attract large numbers of parental preferences, simply because of their status, irrespective of the quality of education offered by other secondary schools.

  13.  Evidence is now becoming available that specialist status has limited benefits. The report, "Specialist Schools An Evaluation of Progress", from Ofsted (October 2001), is revealing. Despite additional funding and the innovation and acceleration in school improvement, triggered by the designation of specialist status, Ofsted notes that, "the trend of improvement in GCSE average points score in specialist schools has been slightly greater than the national rate." On the other hand, one in five specialist schools were, "disappointing", in their use of opportunities and resources. In addition, "the community dimension was the weakest element of specialist schools' work".

  14.  New research from Cardiff University has revealed also that the numbers of pupils receiving free school meals in specialist schools is less than other schools.

  15.  The NUT would always wish to celebrate the achievement of all schools in improving pupils' achievements. It is no surprise that schools find recognition. and extra funding a catalyst for school improvement!

  16.  Internationally also, the evidence is stacked against the tiered approach to secondary education, urged by the Government. OECD's Programme for International Student Assessment (2000) found that "the more differentiated and selective an education system is, the larger are the typical performance differences between students from more and less advantaged backgrounds" (Improving Both Quality and Equality: Insights from PISA 2000-OECD 2002). In other words, applied to England, this finding means that the intention of a tiered system—that of achieving equality of access to high quality education—achieves precisely the opposite of that which is intended. Tiered systems lead to inequality of access.

  17.  The Prime Minister, in his Labour Party Conference speech, recognised the importance of the recent OECD research, PISA 2000, describing it as an "authoritative voice".

  18.  The Government has made the grave mistake of mixing up the designation of specialist status for certain schools with a need for specialisms and specialist provision within schools. The NUT has argued consistently that networks of specialist provision should be established and be open to pupils with particular levels of aptitude or ability from all schools within the community. The NUT would suggest that pupils remain registered at their own schools and spend most of their time there. Specialist provision could act as a resource for all local schools and teachers, providing in-service training and specialist equipment and knowledge. Specialist centres could be based in particular schools, but there would be no form of selective admission arrangements or preferential funding for schools themselves.

  19.  As Jane Davidson, Minister for Education and Life Long Learning, said in Wales:

    "Schools should be encouraged to work in partnership and collaboration within individual schools, building on their strengths. A basic reliance on centrally driven, competitively inspired, and community damaging approaches", are hardly likely to provide an environment in which specialist schools can move towards partnerships and collaboration within the wider community of schools.

  20.  The NUT believes that there is no case for allowing "successful" schools "flexibility over some elements of teachers' pay and conditions". The introduction of such flexibility for some schools could lead to current problems in recruitment and retention being exacerbated and to fundamental and irrational inequities being introduced into teachers' pay and conditions. The NUT would urge the Government not to adopt such an approach.

  21.  The NUT is also deeply concerned about the Government's intention to enable successful and popular schools to expand more easily. The expansion envisaged by the Government is precisely the approach against which the Audit Commission warned in its 1996 report "Trading Places". If a School Organisation Committee in a local authority has been given the responsibility to determine a number of school places in each school, then that effort to achieve a reasonable geographical spread of provision should not be undermined by statutory guidance which favours the expansion of certain types of schools.

  22.  The NUT sees no good argument for LEAs having identified the need for a new maintained school in an area, to invite interested parties to bring forward proposals to establish such a school. The Government has made much of its claim that it is investing upwards of £3.5 billion in capital funding on school buildings. It is clear that such investment does not apply to new school buildings or the establishment of new schools.

  23.  Local authorities, according to Government, are only one among the potential interested parties who might publish proposals for the establishment of new schools. Clearly, the Government believes that private/public partnerships are to be the main, if not the only, way forward. Schools could be tied into long-term contracts that are both constrictive and damaging to the capacity of local School Organisation Committees to organise effectively the best possible form of provision.

  24.  The NUT urges the Government to commit itself to providing the funding necessary to establish new schools where there is a need, without the constriction of having to adapt to the priorities of either partner.

FAITH SCHOOLS

  25.  The 1944 settlement, in relation to Church of England, Roman Catholic and non-conformist schools, was both pragmatic and fragile. There has been a continuing debate, at local level, about the relationship between denominational and maintained schools. While there have sometimes been specific and contentious local debates about admissions policies, local authorities and diocesan bodies have sought to resolve them. The Government's suggestion that the ethos of faith schools give them intrinsic advantage over non-denominational schools, is unsupported by evidence. It is enormously damaging to existing relationships.

  26.  The NUT has called on the Government to take cognisance of Sir Herman Ouseley's report, "Community Pride not Prejudice", which highlighted the dangers of segregation for social harmony at the very least. The Government must allow time for a fuller debate on the issue of faith schools.

  27.  The Full Service Schools programme in the United States and the New Community Schools programme in Scotland provide positive models for any development in England. Effective health and social services provision can be situated in secondary schools, particularly in disadvantaged areas, to address a wide range of needs which impact on pupils' attainment. Initiatives which promote multi-agency approaches to tackling socio-economics impediments to learning at school level can assist schools in facilitating access to essential support services, thus allowing teachers to focus on improving their pupils' academic achievements.

CITY ACADEMIES

  28.  The NUT has consistently opposed the City Academy proposals (renamed Academies in the Education Act 2002). The NUT opposes the transfer of resources, including school premises, from publicly-funded education to the private sector and believes that the initiative will have a detrimental effect on neighbouring schools and the ability of local education authorities to provide a coherent and comprehensive education system for local communities which is locally accountable.

  29.  The NUT has grave concerns about the transfer arrangements for staff, their pay and conditions and job security, the governance of academies, the role of sponsors, the curriculum offered to pupils and the admission arrangements.

  30.  The NUT has monitored developments on the Academy's initiative since its inception and has a detailed overview, including progress reports on individual academies, based on a variety of sources, including information from the NUT's local officers, on this topic.

  31.  Academies are to be funded more favourably than LEA schools, receiving additional funding of, typically, £2 million from sponsors and between £8 million and £20 million from the DfES, plus specialist school funding. This differential funding inevitably will have an impact on the funding available for other schools.

  32.  The DfES timetable for the Academies has slipped due to difficulties with sponsors, start dates, transfer of assets and a variety of other problems so that, to date, only three Academies (Haringey, Middlesbrough and Bexley) have opened in September 2002. As detailed in the NUT's documentation, all have opened with residual problems.

  33.  There are many similarities between Academies and City Technology Colleges, including some of the same individual sponsors. Like CTCs and Education Action Zones, it has proved difficult to raise business sponsorship for this Government initiative, which has led to reliance on contributions from individuals.

  34.  The schools involved are usually facing very challenging circumstances with deficit budgets, falling roles and poor school buildings. The Government views the Academy initiative as a replacement for the high profile failure of "Fresh Start" as an option where a new school needs to be opened.

  35.  The Government strategy for education in London includes proposals for up to 25 Academies. This will magnify the funding differentials between schools and contribute to the incoherence of the admissions arrangements for London schools.

MANAGEMENT OF SCHOOLS BY PRIVATE COMPANIES

  36.  As part of the Select Committee's consideration of diversity of provision, Members will also be aware that Surrey LEA has taken a lead in contracting out the management of three of its secondary schools to private companies—two to the 3 Es Company and the third to Nord Anglia. The arrangement has involved substantial capital investment by the LEA to improve school premises.

  37.  Although it is too early to judge whether this experiment has been successful in terms of sustained pupil achievement, this example is likely to be given a boost by the Education Action 2002 for schools identified as having serious weaknesses or special measures, or where there is a need for a new school.


THE FORMATION OF SCHOOL COMPANIES

  38.  The Select Committee should also be aware that the Government's regulations enabling schools to form school companies will contribute to the emerging hierarchy of schools. School companies, taken together with the proposals in the Education Act 2002 to allow for schools to achieve "earned autonomy" and advanced specialist school status, would be perceived as an "elite" to the detriment of schools without a distinctive nomenclature, not least in relation to teacher recruitment and retention.

  39.  The NUT has other significant reservations about the formation of school companies which is diversionary from the main purpose of schools, including the possibility that private companies will be able to become involved in the operation of schools, including the delivery of the curriculum.

EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND

  40.  The NUT would ask the Select Committee to note the Economic and Social Research Council's project (ESRC), "a Home International Comparison of Education and Training Systems in the UK", which involved comparing educational attainment in England and Scotland. Comprehensive education in Scotland was found to be more comprehensive and more uniform. Comprehensive education was introduced wholeheartedly in Scotland for all 12-18 year olds, all schools having a sixth form and all schools having equal status. There are no single sex schools and there is no selection. In England, however, differences in status remains. For example, some form of secondary modern schools have no sixth forms, all former grammar schools do.

  41.  This research project revealed there was a high level of parental support for comprehensive schools in Scotland. The Government has tried to introduce opting out but only one school had been persuaded to follow such a route. The research project examined outcomes for young people. It showed that Scotland had comparatively high levels of attainment within a fully comprehensive system. The research studied differences in attainment by social class. The gap in attainment was smaller in Scotland and Wales than for England.

  42.  Social segregation had an impact on attainment. Where there was a good social mix, the attainment of all students was higher on average, with a bigger gap between the highest and lowest performance in England than in Scotland and Wales. An examination of entry into higher education in the UK for 1998- 99 revealed that there was 47% participation in higher education in Scotland. In 1965, 70% of students in Scotland left school with no form of qualifications, but this had been reduced by 17% by 1998. The Research Project seemed to indicate that this was an indication of increasing inclusiveness of Scottish education.

A NON-SELECTIVE EDUCATION SYSTEM

  43.  The relative achievements of secondary schools between areas with and without grammar schools are significant. In areas with grammar schools, 29% of comprehensive school students achieved five GCSE A-C grades, whereas in nonselective areas, 48% of such students achieved a similar level. This comparison suggests that in areas where grammar schools remain, comprehensive schools whose intakes are diverse have much less chance of achieving well in terms of the league table criteria (Chitty and Benn Thirty Years on" (1996)).

  44.  The NUT believes that the needs of young people in the 21st century are best met through secondary schools offering high quality education, free of charge and open to all pupils regardless of ability range. It is through such a comprehensive system that a parity of esteem between "academic" and "vocational strands", with parity of esteem between the two would best be achieved. Only within comprehensive education can these two strands be developed in order that pupils have opportunities to access both educational approaches.

  45.  The Government should undertake an audit of a capacity of institutions, particularly small and medium sized and/or remote institutions such as those in rural areas to deliver a new range of courses, qualifications and more individualised curricula and to develop collaborative arrangements between schools and colleges.

  46.  The NUT believes emphatically that targets for schools which have underpinned Government policy in education in recent years are a crude and ineffective instrument with which to drive up educational standards.

  47.  The NUT would draw the attention of the Select Committee to the NUT's research, commissioned by the Union, which focused on the impact of the National Curriculum tests, national targets and performance tables. ("National Curriculum Tests A Survey Analysed for the National Union of Teachers", by Dr S R St J Neill, (Institute of Education and the University of Warwick, October 2002). This provided overwhelming evidence of the detrimental effects of the tests on the curriculum, teacher workload and the morale of pupils and teachers.

  48.  The NUT also has deep concern about the targeting by Government of school resources on particular groups of pupils in order to move pupils across the borderline of Government targets, thereby reducing the resources and support available to pupils at other National Curriculum levels.

  49.  The Government's attempts to use targets and performance tables as policy levers sits particularly uncomfortably with proposals outlined elsewhere. Most specifically, proposals for new qualifications and collaboration between institutions will either be undermined by performance tables or make them meaningless, or both.

  50.  This fact is reinforced by the fact the Government itself is unable to put forward proposals on how early achievement of AS qualifications in Year 11, for example, or late entry for GCSE qualifications, can be shown in performance tables. The NUT has long argued that targets and performance tables are crude indicators that restrict schools in their own policy-making at local level. The fact that they now appear to be hindering even the formation of Government policy at national level is the strongest indicator yet that such measures of performance need not minor adjustment, but removal.

LEARNING AND SKILLS COUNCILS AND 14-16 EDUCATION

  51.  The NUT is opposed to the LSC taking over funding for 14-16 education. The split between LEAs and the LSC in funding arrangements will endanger the coherence with curriculum offer of secondary schools and lead to enormous, additional administrative burdens for schools.

  52.  Government needs also to engage with some more fundamental issues regarding FE professionals teaching students within a compulsory schooling age range. It is vital that young people of 14-16 are taught by teachers with QTS. In addition, there are issues of differences in salary and conditions of service between the school and FE sector; and differences in funding formulae, which will become even more pressing issues to be addressed under future proposals. The NUT is deeply concerned that these issues have not been considered or yet resolved.

  53.  The Government should ensure that it works in professional partnership with teachers to develop an appropriate 11-16 education system based on the basis of professional consensus rather than further "top-down" reform. In the longer term, it is likely that this will involve further consideration of curriculum, assessment and qualification models, both at GCSE and Advanced level. Any change, however, might well be a reform of existing models within the context of an overarching certificate rather than a fundamental change in the qualification structure.

November 2002


 
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