Memorandum from Professor Richard Pring
(DP03)
1. INTRODUCTION
"Freedom and Choice" was the title
of the 1992 White Paper. The policy of creating certain conditions
for choice (namely, a diversity of kinds of school which provide
the legal possibility of choice by parents of schools in a quasi-market
and of choice by certain schools of pupils) has been continued
and developed by the Labour government. The "Yellow Book"
(the annual Directory of Education) reflects the bewildering range
of diversity—based on selection by intelligence, selection
by aptitude, selection by faith, specialisation in subjects, differential
funding and forms of governance—which leads to more choice
for some and less choice for others.
Categories of diversity within secondary schools
(with different levels of funding and different means of selection)
might be summarised as follows):
Grammar Schools
| 164 | (selection by intelligence test)
|
| (Secondary Modern) | (approx 450)
| (though not generally known as secondary modern)
|
| Specialist Schools | 992 |
(possible selection of up to 10 per cent by aptitude)
|
| Arts | 173 |
|
| Business & Enterprise | 18
| |
| Engineering | 4 |
|
| Language | 157 |
|
| Mathematics & Computing | 12
| |
| Science | 24 |
|
| Sports | 161 |
|
| Technology | 443 |
|
| Advanced Specialist Schools |
| (recent creation) |
| Faith Schools | (approx 700)
| (normal selection by religious practice) |
| Foundation Schools | | (with their own agreed admissions
|
| Community Schools | | policy)
|
| Beacon Schools | (approx 250)
| (funded to provide examples of good practice to other schools)
|
| Training Schools | (approx 40)
| (funded to provide leadership in teacher training)
|
| Middle Schools/Secondary Schools |
| |
| Privately sponsored schools deemed independent
| | |
| City Technology Colleges | 15
| |
| City Academies | 33 | (in the process of being established)
|
| |
|
This bewildering array of different kinds of school arises
partly from historical circumstance (eg in the case of the Faith
Schools), but mainly from a range of different initiatives over
several years—with some having an expensive but relatively
short life span, eg Beacon Schools and Training Schools. There
is no overarching vision of the kind of diversity needed to meet
the education of all young people.
2. DIVERSITY (OR
LACK OF
IT) THROUGH
THE CURRICULUM
The 1988 Education Act created a centralised curriculum which,
reinforced by a national framework of assessment and a standardised
system of inspection, reduced diversity of curriculum content.
The rigidity of such centralisation has been partly softened following
the first Dearing Report (with greater choice of subjects at Key
Stage 4), whilst at the same time it has been extended through
literacy and numeracy strategies at Key Stage 3. The public cost
of policing this standardised and centralised system (through
the setting and cascading of targets, the many tiers of inspection
and audit, and the national assessments at ages five, seven, 11,
14, 16, 17 and 18) is massive. Despite this diversion of resources
from teaching, there is no comprehensive audit of this cost.
3. DIVERSITY THROUGH
TYPES OF
SCHOOL
The diversity in provision of education is characterised
by various overlapping factors:
— organisation into phases;
— private sponsorship; and
— accountability and funding.
Thus, there is now the following diverse provision.
(a) Organisation into phases
The following phases provide a diversity which arose mainly
from administrative reasons at various stages of reorganisation:
| 5-11 | : | 11-18
| | |
| 5-11 | : | 11-16
| : | tertiary |
| 5-8 | : | 8-12
| : | 12-18 |
| 5-9 | : | 9-13
| : | 13-18 |
| |
| | |
Although educational reasons are given for middle schools,
there are two problems in maintaining this kind of diversity.
The first is that it requires transfer between schools half-way
through a "key stage" (ie centralised assessment of
the curriculum is at odds with localised diversity). Second, there
is frequently a withdrawal of children from middle schools at
the age of 11 to the nearby 11 to 18 system, thereby destabilising
the middle schools.
(b) Governance
"Foundation Schools" have some measure of autonomy
over admissions policy, whereas Community Schools do not. This
reflects the distinctive nature of the Foundation (eg religious),
certainly. Nonetheless, it provides a basis for selection which
disadvantages certain families who are not able to meet the selection
criteria, but for whom the "Foundation School" is their
local school (see Taylor, 2001; West et al, 2002; Schagen
et al, 2002).
(c) Faith schools
The 1944 Education Act provided for voluntary aided (mainly
Catholic), voluntary controlled (mainly Church of England) as
well as County schools. This enabled there to be a diversity of
ethos (based on religious faith) within the state system. More
recently, this arrangement has been changed to Foundation Schools
(which embrace more than those based on religious faith) and Community
Schools. The main differentiating characteristics of a religious
"Foundation School" are, first, governance, and, second,
admissions policy. The trustees (more often than not, the Church)
has strong representation on the governing body and is able to
determine within certain limits, its admissions policy. That admissions
policy (for example, requiring practising membership of the Church)
is sometimes implemented through a process of interviewing, which
is forbidden within the non Foundation School sector. There is
clear evidence from Benn & Chitty's extensive survey and research
(1996) that the selection, based ostensibly on "faith",
skewed the social class intake of Church schools, which in large
measure might be held responsible for the, on average, better
academic results. Furthermore, there is now growing evidence that
such selection curtails the choice of those, often from minority
ethnic backgrounds, who would wish to go to their neighbourhood
school (see also West et al, 2002).
The opportunity for selective "faith schools" should,
on the basis of consistency and fairness, be extended to other
faiths. There are now four Muslim schools within the state system,
but several more are being proposed (eg in Oxford). This would
create, however, a system where diversity is based not simply
on religious but also on ethnic or racial grounds.
(d) Selection based on intelligence
There remain 164 grammar schools which, being selective,
affect the balance of ability in surrounding "comprehensive"
schools—even those in local authorities which do not have
a selective system. Therefore, as many as 600 secondary schools
(out of a total of about 5,000) are, in practice, within a selective
system, 15 local authorities being "fully selective"
areas.
All research in this area is contested, but the latest evidence
from the very thorough work of Jesson (2001), mainly on a review
of performance in Kent, suggests strongly that
— the "top ability" pupils, in comprehensive
schools (in a truly comprehensive LEA) had performed slightly
better than the equivalent pupils at grammar schools in a selective
system;
— a selective system depresses the overall results
(none of the wholly selective authorities were in the top 10 nationally,
while four were in the bottom 10).
(See also DfES, 2000; Schagen & Schagen, 2001.)
The decision to move to a comprehensive system by most local
authorities after 1965 was based on the very clear evidence from
Vernon and others that "intelligence" is not a fixed
and innate factor which can be accurately measured at the age
of 11. Such findings removed the basis upon which selection at
11 had been justified.
Given the evidence (as is illustrated by Jesson's work) and
given the validity of arguments for abandoning selection in the
1960s, the only remaining (political) argument for maintaining
selective schools is parental choice to keep selection. However,
the mechanism through which that local choice over preserving
grammar schools is exercised (namely, local ballots) is so complex
as to make it almost impossible to remove selection by popular
vote. For example, parents of children in private schools are
allowed to vote whereas parents in neighbouring schools which
are affected by selection, which have not succeeded in sending
children to the grammar school but which are nonetheless affected
by the selective system, are not.
(e) Specialist schools
The range of specialist schools (nearly 1,000 in all) is
given above. Whereas all could, and some do, select up to 10 per
cent according to aptitude in that subject, there is no evidence
that one can identify accurately at the age of 11 a specific subject-based
aptitude (except in music and the performing arts). Furthermore,
such is the location of these specialist schools or colleges that,
only in few cases, do they provide added choice for those who,
at the age of 11, have a particular aptitude. There are no grounds
for believing that there are genetically programmed lacrosse players
in Wantage and a greater proportion of budding technologists (only
amongst the boys) at Didcot.
The evidence would seem to indicate that specialist schools
or colleges, though in receipt of about 4 per cent extra funding
mainly for capital investment, do not provide a curriculum which
obviously caters for specialist talent (see West et al,
2000).
(f) Private sponsorship
Diversity has been increased through the encouragement of
privately sponsored public institutions, thereby freed from local
authority control.
— City Technology Colleges were established almost
20 years ago, under the Technology Colleges Trust. 15 were created,
under half what was originally intended. The Trust failed to obtain
the extent of sponsorship originally anticipated.
— City Academies are a more recent innovation. 33
Academies are currently being established, with about 10 per cent
of the capital investment coming from private sponsors who, at
public expense, will continue to be responsible for the running
of the schools.
Part of the reason for creating this diversity (Beacon Schools,
Training Schools, Advanced Specialist Schools and now City Academies)
is to resource schools as examples of good practice—as a
model for others.
4. PRIVATE AND
INDEPENDENT SECTOR
The independent sector has about 8 per cent of the secondary
age cohort (compared with about 3 per cent in Scotland). However,
certain areas (eg Oxford) have about 20 per cent in private education;
others have as many as 25 per cent (eg Merton); one has over 30
per cent (Richmond upon Thames). In these areas, therefore, the
comprehensive system is seriously affected by the withdrawal of
a range of pupils from more privileged backgrounds. Furthermore,
several of the independent trusts (eg Girls' Schools Trust and
the Sutton Trust) are providing funds for pupils, otherwise in
the maintained sector of education, to attend the private sector.
5. CONCLUSION
— The wide diversity of secondary schools in terms
of funding, selection/non-selection, governance and accountability
has arisen from independent initiatives over several years. There
is no overall vision justifying such diversity.
— One particular argument is that diversity increases
parental choice. However, that choice is most frequently between
better or worse funded schools (which otherwise provide much the
same curriculum). Moreover, the increased choice of some diminishes
the choice of others—usually the more disadvantaged families.
— Selection has been maintained through a grammar
school system in several areas, and is being increased through
the selection according to aptitude of specialist schools. And
yet the basis of selection is dubious and the selective system
does not enhance standards.
— Church Schools were formally recognised by the
1944 Education Act. There is a relatively new problem arising,
however, through the continuation of this arrangement as, first,
these select on grounds other than "faith", and, second,
other faiths understandably seek their own schools, thereby creating
diversity based not only on faith but also on race and ethnicity.
— The increase in privately sponsored schools, maintained
mainly at public expense, reduces the accountability of the public
system of education to the public authorities responsible for
local provision of education.
— The diversity is in fact creating a hierarchy
of schools, colleges and academies, with different funding bases,
thereby creating increasing disadvantages for those already disadvantaged
who are unable to choose the better resourced schools.
REFERENCES
Benn, C. & Chitty, C. (1996) Thirty Years On,
David Fulton.
DfEE (2000) Report of study in Parliamentary Answer, House
of Lords, 6 April.
Jesson, D. (2001) "Performance of pupils and schools
in selective and non-selective local authorities", Centre
for Performance Evaluation, Department of Economics, University
of York.
Schagen, I. & Schagen, S. (2001) "The impact of
selection on pupil performance", Slough: NFER.
Schagen, S. et al (2002) "The impact of specialist
and faith schools on performance", Slough: NFER.
Taylor, C. (2001) "Hierarchies and `local' markets:
the geography of the `lived' market place in secondary education
provision", Journal of Education Policy, 16.
West, A. et al (2000) "Examining the impact of
the specialist schools programme", Centre for Educational
Research, LSE.
West, A. et al (2002) "School admissions in England
since 1997: Is the system fairer?", London: Research and
Information on State Education.
Professor Richard Pring
November 2002
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