Select Committee on Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 200-219)

RICHARD WAKEFORD AND CHARLES SECRETT

15 SEPTEMBER 2003

  Q200  Chairman: She is in charge but she has got no levers to pull, has she?

  Mr Wakeford: Well, collective government responsibility.

  Q201  Chairman: But Defra has got no levers, has it, either on environmental issues or on rural affairs issues? It is persuading other people to do things; right?

  Mr Wakeford: In terms of sustainable development you could—-

  Q202  Chairman: You know; you are on the board.

  Mr Wakeford: It is easier to say yes to your question, Chairman.

  Mr Secrett: I think one can say yes in terms of answer to the question as well, because we can perhaps usefully draw a distinction between where leadership lies in policy making terms—and there is a formal arrangement around a particular issue for which department is taking the lead, and we can see that Defra is that department but in this case, as in other cases, there are two other things that are happening or not happening that should be done differently. The first is that there is a difference between that type of being the lead department and showing leadership. We would not argue in this case that Defra is taking the opportunity to develop leadership in a meaningful way that leads to joined-up government, that leads to integrated decision-making across departments. It is the perennial political problem of how do you move from a system of government and making judgments and developing policies that is used to a silo approach to a truly integrated approach? There are institutional questions here, for example, about how those mechanisms that have been established to bring about this type of integration with decision-making actually work, like the Green Ministers. We would argue that they could be made to work much more effectively, and one of the ways that they could be made to work much more effectively is by demonstrating leadership in another way, which is by finding a robust set of assessment tools that take you down from an overview, say, at the level of principles, and we would offer our six core principles for sustainable development, including the polluter pays principle, the fair shares principle, putting sustainable development as the organising principle of decision-making. From that you can narrow down your decision-making tree into more specific cost benefit or strategic assessments. A tool that might lie underneath the level of principles, once you have applied them to a particular sector, as we do in our evidence, would be strategic impact assessment, and then underneath that one might have life cycle assessment for different products, and in this way, if Defra were doing this, we would be coming forward with a much more robust set of ways in which we could make a decision that takes into account the global and the local, the environmental, the social, the economic, the special interest as well as the broader community interest. It is this lack of a robust agreed methodology that takes these separate tools that have been derived in different parts of a whole political machinery from Europe through to Whitehall and other places that is missing. Certainly, this is something that Defra, nominally in charge of sustainable development for the government, needs to be bringing together, whether it is to resolve the difficult judgments over a question like sugar beet production in this country or for wider sustainability policy matters.

  Q203  Alan Simpson: Almost all the Committee members would quite like to know what our policy is in terms of sustainability and the impact assessment measures we are using. We will have an opportunity to raise some of these matters with the minister in the session that follows, but can I just ask you both a specific question relating to biofuels? In your submission you made a point about the need for rigorous scrutiny against the concept of sustainable land use. We had a very interesting presentation last week from Monsanto and AVC who were saying that they agreed with at least one of your comments that some of the bids about biofuels are naive but if you wanted robust economics to underpin your research then you really had to give the go-ahead to GM crop development because GM crops have a reduced environmental impact and higher yield and they would make the economics of the fuel itself much more do-able. Have you yourselves taken any view on the role that GM crops could, should or should not be allowed to play in that process, whether we go down the path of producing biofuels from weeds, sugar beet or anything else? Where would you see the arguments being put by AVC and Monsanto?

  Mr Wakeford: We have not gone down that route and we have not done any work on it. I do not think we have anything to offer you on that.

  Mr Secrett: I could perhaps offer a general observation in terms of a way in which we might approach it. One first of all has to look at the claims of any special interest group very carefully and I think that there would be many scientists from both the public and the private sector who would question the assertion that we need to use GM crops because it is demonstrably proven that they cause less environmental harm or damage. The jury would be out on that one. The second point to make is to look at it in the global context, as one must do, which is to say, okay; we have got a system of producing sugar through sugar beet in this country and there are claims made that that is a sustainable use. Whether they are GM crops or not, at the moment they require an artificial market to prosper and flourish, so another question becomes, is that artificial market justifiable? Whenever you are looking at intensifying production in a rich developed world market you also have to look in terms of the overview of costs and benefits at the global situation. A core question, a strategic question, has to be: what could the land that we use for sugar beet be used for if we did not grow sugar beet on it, if we concluded that growing sugar beet was not in our best sustainability interests, economic, environmental and social all together? One of the things that might lead you to that conclusion would be to say that there are other countries that are blessed with many more natural resources for growing sugar much more efficiently, much more productively than we can. One thinks of Brazil, for example, if one is thinking of biofuels, where there is a mature biofuels industry with land that is already established for growing sugar cane naturally and extremely efficiently. What are the consequences for developing world economies for us to industrialise production of a crop that, for whatever reason, they grow better? That type of strategic question goes to the heart, for example, of the trade talks that have just collapsed in Cancun. Part of the decision-making framework has to be one that allows you to assess cost and benefit between countries as well as between generations or between the environmental, the economic and the social. We think that there is a big question mark, whether they are genetically engineered or intensively produced anyway, about the whole notion of growing sugar on a large scale for fuel production from that perspective.

  Q204  Alan Simpson: That is probably the central point that we have to address as a Committee: does it make sense for us to look not necessarily at the use of biofuels but at the development of a biofuel industry within the UK? Are you moving towards a view that says develop biofuels on a global scale by all means, but the economics of doing so and the environmental impact consequences of doing so in the UK would prompt you to doubt whether that is a sensible direction for us to be going in?

  Mr Secrett: We have not done the work yet as a Commission that has put this robust methodology into practice to make that type of calculation. I think what I am describing for us is a type of consideration that has to be brought into account and that we do not yet see from emerging policy in this area that it might very well be an inclusion that would say, "Actually, we can use land for environmental, economic and social reasons in this country much better both for our own benefit and for the benefit of other citizens with whom we share the planet if we do not grow sugar beet for fuel because there are others who can do it better".

  Mr Wakeford: Can I come with something slightly more specific? It is quite an interesting report which you may have had access to do. It is produced by EEDA (the East of England Development Agency) and it is about the impacts of creating a domestic UK bioethanol industry. In here it states the price of biofuels if we buy them from Brazil for the moment. It is significantly lower than what could be achieved in this country even with a larger subsidy from the government. This is where Cancun and the World Trade Organisation are rather important because it is an important aspect of this- as it is in respect of coffee, as it is in respect of food- that we should be able to get information about the production regimes. It may well be that the growing of sugar cane in Brazil is as Charles describes it, but at the moment the rules appear to preclude getting information about production systems and therefore that gets in the way of what you might call ethical trade. If you can get the information that it is ethical trade then you get to the natural advantage that tropical countries would have in terms of growing this particular product. Just coming back to your GM question in the first place, I suspect that it would be plain that the benefits would be greater growth and probably less use of pesticides, but the analysis done on behalf of EEDA points out some of the other difficulties of using sugar beet as a method of producing biofuels. In particular it features worst on the ranking of issues for soil protection because the report says that there is a high risk of erosion and damage to soil structure. Whether you are in GM or non-GM sugar beet there is also a difficulty in providing winter feeding on nest sites of birds, so there are adverse issues for flora and fauna which need to be factored in somehow. It is that which means that if you go down that particular route, of sugar beet, even if you could improve the sugar beet there are certain disadvantages that you will still need to continue to weigh. I come back to the issue about what the objective is of the policy. Is the objective of the policy to increase Britain's production of biofuels for some particular reason, in which case there are other sources than sugar beet that can be used? Willow coppice is one. But I come back to the very large amount of waste paper and cardboard that we produce in this country which is also capable of being converted into biofuels and for which a supply chain already exists- something like seven million tonnes from commercial and industrial waste a year and another five million tonnes from our own household waste so that if your starting objective was to reduce the amount of waste going to landfill then you might have to say, "Let us take this paper element that is going to landfill at the moment and convert that into biofuels, and that will help the Department for Transport achieve the EU goal that has been set for using a set proportion of biofuels in our transport industry by the year 2010". These things are going on in parallel. They need a joined-up approach where you clearly need to start with your objective rather than starting with the solution.

  Q205  Mr Jack: I notice in paragraph 1 that the Sustainable Development Commission reports to the Prime Minister. Have you reported to him about all of this?

  Mr Wakeford: Our Chairman has regular meetings with the Prime Minister and covers all sorts of issues, but I suspect that he has not picked up on this particular one. I will write to you afterwards if you like, but I do not know the answer to your question.

  Q206  Mr Jack: I am interested, going back to Mrs Shephard's line of questioning, as to who is in charge of directing policy because you told the Committee in your earlier answer that you thought it was all down to Defra, but I presume that the reason for reporting to the Prime Minister is to try and knit together across government some kind of response. Are you telling me that you are not certain whether this has been discussed and therefore cannot provide us with any commentary as to how the Prime Minister, or those he has sub-contracted to carry out this knitting together policy, is actually working?

  Mr Wakeford: I am sorry if I misheard your question. I thought your original question was whether the Sustainable Development Commission had talked to the Prime Minister about the issue of biofuels.

  Q207  Mr Jack: Yes; that is exactly it. You are right on the wavelength there.

  Mr Wakeford: I do not know the answer to your question because our Chairman has regular meetings with the Prime Minister and covers all the issues of sustainable development.

  Q208  Mr Jack: Does he tell you what he is doing then?

  Mr Wakeford: Yes, he does.

  Q209  Mr Jack: So you ought to know?

  Mr Wakeford: I ought to know, yes.

  Q210  Mr Jack: But you do not.

  Mr Wakeford: I do not on this occasion but I have offered to find out for you and let you know afterwards. You then moved on in a sense to the knitting together point and my earlier answer, which was not specifically about biofuels but was about the issue of the leadership of sustainable development in government, that it is clearly with the Secretary of State for the Environment.

  Mr Jack: When you write, because I am very interested to know how this reporting to the Prime Minister mechanism works,—let us assume that your Chairman, Mr Porritt, has talked to the great man about it—perhaps you could put a "What happened?" paragraph in because I would find that very interesting.

  Q211  Mr Drew: I do not want to extend this debate beyond what is useful to any of us but I thought that the missing part of what you were arguing in terms of sustainability—and this is something that we are not party to; this is all the DTI's responsibility—is this issue about security of supply. Surely one of the attractions of a biofuels industry is that to some extent you balance this obsession we seem to have of taking what energy policy we have off shore (and at least you have got some knowledge of what it is you are producing and some control over how much you want to produce by going along with this line) against the technology of looking not just in terms of energy per se but at transport if we are going to have any influence at all? Those of us who went to Brazil were impressed at the way that government intervention there, with no fear of the repercussions, began to influence what people drove and certainly what they did not drive and that was quite impressive. I do not know what your response would be to that.

  Mr Wakeford: The security of supply is certainly one of the factors to incorporate in any analysis. If your objective was to diversify supply of energy then it could certainly play a part, as could saving energy- we are using too much energy at the moment- as could other forms of renewables. We understand, of course, the advantage that is often quoted for biofuels is that it is actually the way in which you can use alternative energy sources in transport fleet, whereas wind farms require converting factors.

  Q212  Mr Drew: That is a very strong argument about, if you like, localised sustainability as against the argument that you advance, which I have a great deal of sympathy about, which is why do we grow things in this country when it could be grown not just for social reasons but certainly better for environmental reasons in other parts of the world? We could countervail that with the thought that there are some good, local economies to be obtained by growing it on land that would probably not be used for anything else. We need to change the demand rationale on how people respond to this. This has been the problem of getting people to use alternative fuels at the moment. Government is trying to kick start things, LPG for example, but it is pretty small stuff, and if you drive one of these cars, as I do, you cannot find a garage within 50 miles which actually supplies it. The Government has to get its attitude right but you have to change the mind set of the public. That is the thing about having this on the ground, so that people can see it. It is like local food sourcing, that is why it is attractive, people can actually see it going on.

  Mr Wakeford: There is a danger that in achieving diversity in your energy supply by having more local sourcing and less dependence ultimately on imports when our own oil runs out that you may make it more difficult for us to grow food products here, which ideally we should be growing here but at the moment we are importing. This is all because the cost of energy, especially in the aviation sector, does not properly reflect the environmental impact. Much of the proposal in the EEDA Report about biofuels is based on growing biofuels on land, which is currently set aside under the Common Agricultural Policy, so the main impacts of doing so are not on the other food that we produce in this county but in terms of what happens when you cultivate land which is currently not in agricultural production at the moment. I mentioned those adverse effects to be taken into account earlier. If you get it on the sort of scale that would be necessary to produce 5% of the fuel used in transport at the moment the amount of land that would need to be taken, as the report here that I have been looking at says, is about 13 factories, each of which would need to be served by 38,000 hectares. That is actually starting to make quite a significant impact on our ability to use the land for other issues, such as vegetable production, which at the moment there is a kind of disincentive for because of the perverse production subsidies that are in place under the Common Agricultural Policy.

  Q213  Mrs Shephard: There are not any for vegetables!

  Mr Wakeford: Exactly. There are no subsidies for vegetables but there are subsidies for other crops which therefore means that the balance is tipped against vegetable production, which is actually rather more labour intensive. If you were looking for a form of rural development it may actually be that you look to remove the production subsidies on some of the bulk products, biofuels would be regarded as a bulk product in that way, and look at ways of incentivising the production of things that we currently import and use quite a lot of energy in the course of importing.

  Mrs Shephard: As the Committee knows from another inquiry it is currently concluding vegetable production is indeed the labour-intensive, but mostly for people from Kosovo. These arguments do not wash in isolation.

  Q214  Chairman: If you want to widen your bracket of factors to take into account perhaps illegal immigration and asylum seeking. Before we know where we are we are hopelessly diffused.

  Mr Secrett: Can I follow up with a supplementary, this whole question of, "we have been to Brazil and we have seen it work there" leads us into this difficult judgment about comparative advantage when it comes to production and self-sufficiency. I think the significance of the figures that Richard quoted was that even if we were going for 5% of fuel to be added, and that was to come from biofuels, an enormous land area would be taken up in this country. It is a bit like going to Scandinavia in the 70s and saying, "they have a lot of forestry there; we will have some of that too please so we can become more self-sufficient in wood products". As soon as you start factoring-in the land question, how much land is available and what else could it be used for it becomes a much more complex judgment as to whether you set aside, whatever way that is, all that land for production here or whether you say global trade of a sustainable sort may well mean us not trying to do everything ourselves but to trade from other countries. Here, like with forestry, we have another one of those examples.

  Q215  Paddy Tipping: Let us follow some of those issues up because there is a lot of unpicking that needs to be done here. You say in your evidence to us that you have not done any real work on integrated biofuels. Mr Secrett, tell us how much land is going to be taken up if we want 5% biofuel for the United Kingdom source via sugar beet?

  Mr Wakeford: According to this appraisal we need 13 plants, each of which is served by 38,000 hectares.

  Q216  Paddy Tipping: How much production of sugar beet currently takes place in the United Kingdom?

  Mr Wakeford: I do not have the figures for that.

  Q217  Paddy Tipping: That would be something we would have to take into account using your appraisal model.

  Mr Wakeford: There might well be benefits in developing countries flowing from this because it might be if we use more of our sugar beet for energy production we might find ourselves being able to put more business for sugar products with developing countries that could do with the business.

  Q218  Paddy Tipping: I agree with that. What I find fascinating really is the changes which Mrs Shephard mentioned at the beginning. I think we are all pressed to find out who was the lead department on biofuels in the United Kingdom. I think your appraisal too is an interesting one. Mr Secrett told us, and I am sure it is probably right, we are far better concentrating on sugar cane from Brazil than sugar beet from East Anglia. Who is going to deliver this? If we cannot deliver policy in the United Kingdom Government, how are we going to deliver these global issues, the kind of issues that you are telling us we have to tackle? I am not sure what the delivery mechanism is.

  Mr Wakeford: One of the key delivery mechanisms is in the way in which the market operates, because of the subsidies which shape that market—whether that is the subsidies which encourage the growing of wheat at the moment or whether it is subsidy that the Treasury is thinking of.

  Q219  Paddy Tipping: That is fairly straight forward, you are saying to us perhaps we ought not to grow sugar beet in the United Kingdom, perhaps we ought to focus on the work in Brazil. How do we get from what you think we should not be doing to what you aspire to? These are big issues that go across continents and I am not entirely clear how we are going to sort this out.

  Mr Wakeford: This is a difficult question and what you have to do is to step back to what the whole issue of sustainable development is, past governments have addressed it and this Government has addressed it generally through a strategy, which it then applies to all of its business through mechanisms of the kind which, as we discussed earlier, Margaret Beckett is responsible for ensuring her colleagues are aware of. We are coming up to the point where the Government is going to start this autumn its latest review of the Sustainable Development Strategy. I would hope that this Committee would take the opportunity to look at the last strategy and what has been achieved against it as its contribution to helping the next one address the sort of questions which you are pursuing with difficulty. We do not find them easy on the Commission but the more people who are engaged in this kind of sustainable development field the more our consumption as a nation will send signals to other countries that are more positive than if we focus on production.

  Mr Secrett: I think the facile answer to the question is in the same way the analysis has to be integrated the decision-making has to be integrated. It is not just a question in a case like an agricultural crop that is trading, it not just a question of integrating within Britain, across Whitehall and Westminster and then with whatever relevant agencies or nearer on the ground decision-making authorities it also has to be integrated, and this is again a huge political challenge, as far as European farm and land use policy is concerned and then because of trade at a global level as well. Until the Government starts developing not only a common language in which to talk about these issues, these integrated, overlapping, complex issues- which it is doing through the language of sustainable development through Agenda 21—it then, as we have argued, has to develop a common basis of methodology and analysis. We have begun suggesting a way in which that can be done in a holistic way that would complement this type of political decision-making integration. Both will spring from leadership, when somebody in Government says, "actually, this matters, it is going to be important for us to do and therefore because I am in charge or I have been told by the Cabinet or the Prime Minister I am in charge this is how we are going to integrate it", and the political integration has to happen at a policy and an intergovernmental relationship way.

  Q220  Paddy Tipping: I agree with that, I am sure that is all right. All I am saying is I think in the light of Cancun this is an awful long way away. Let us just turn to a smaller issue which is palm oils. Palm oils are a good energy source. There is some work that suggests that palm oils or the exploitation of palm oils is leading to the destruction of rainforests. Who is responsible for that within the United Kingdom Government? Suppose we decide we are going to go the biofuel route, suppose we decide, and I think it is probably true, in calorific terms we are going the palm oil route it does mean destruction elsewhere, who is the standard bearer on this, is it Mrs Beckett again?

  Mr Wakeford: I think that the issue is one which applies not only to palm oils but to all of our trade, it is a question of whether our trade is ethical. The work that we did on sugar was designed to try and help the commercial buyers of raw material products to ask the sort of questions that they as consumers should ask, so that they could understand the global footprint of their purchasing decisions. The point that we were trying to get across was that these buyers needed to ask some basic questions. It is actually quite difficult even to get those issues before the people who take the big decisions, and that is where the role of the consumer comes in because the consumer is often aware of these issues but cannot get the information that they need about the contents of products, how they are produced, and so on. That is the important link back into the world trade round. Quite often at the moment you cannot get information about how products are produced and whether they are destroying the rainforest or not. International rules prevent that information being available. The dimension here is information so that people can actually consume more wisely whether us as individual consumers, which might be the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, or the minister responsible for food products or energy products or whatever. I think the point is that you cannot pick this out but ultimately the leadership has to come through to Margaret Beckett because she is the one who is, in a sense, the lead minister on stainable development and engaging colleagues in these principles, but they have to be joined up across Government.

  Chairman: Gentlemen and lady thank you very much indeed. My own reflection is that one recognises so many of these issues do involve joint working between departments and governments and they often become extraordinarily opaque as far as your ordinary citizen is concerned. Perhaps one factor of your paradigm is there should be lines of accountability so somebody knows where the buck stops and if you want to go along to an MP's surgery on a Saturday morning he knows where to send the letter because otherwise however necessary all of the inter-relationships government becomes very, very confusing and rather impenetrable for the person on the outside saying, "hang on, where do I fit in?" That does not call for an answer, Mr Wakeford, one of my privileges is to have the last word. Thank you very much indeed for coming.





 
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