Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Eighth Report


The situation in Zimbabwe

The political situation

3. Since we last reported to the House, Robert Mugabe has tightened his hold on power. Within the past few weeks, his ZANU-PF ruling party attempted to rig several by-elections in seats held by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). At least the fact that these elections took place shows that there remain some residual elements of democracy in Zimbabwe. By attempting to manipulate the democratic process, Mugabe had hoped to gain a two-thirds Parliamentary majority, which would have allowed him to change the constitution, for example so that he could hand the presidency to a chosen successor. He failed only because of the courage of thousands of Zimbabwean voters, who cast their votes for opposition candidates in defiance of the threats and intimidation by ZANU-PF.

4. Despite this recent electoral success, opposition supporters have found that their attempts to achieve change through the democratic process have been frustrated at every turn. Denied the opportunity to remove their corrupt government by electoral means, many MDC supporters have resorted to direct action. Strikes and demonstrations have attracted considerable support, but have been repressed by ZANU-PF militia and by police using force. On 25 April, police raided the headquarters of the MDC in Zimbabwe and arrested 30 people. By such means, Mugabe retains control over his country.

5. Not everything has been going Mugabe's way. There have been reports that his close political associates are looking for ways of removing him from power; one witness described this as a "feeding frenzy" within ZANU-PF. Others have made critical comments on the record. In January, General Vitalis Zvinavashe, Commander of the Armed Forces of Zimbabwe, referred to the economic situation in Zimbabwe as a "crisis", while in March a founder member of ZANU-PF, Edison Zvogbo, called in the Zimbabwean Parliament for the establishment of an anti-corruption commission to inquire into abuses of power by members of the regime. General Zvinavashe and Speaker of the Zimbabwe Parliament Emerson Mnangagwa have also been reported as drawing up a plan to find a successor to Mugabe, even talking to the MDC opposition through an intermediary, while a land audit carried out by Vice President Joseph Msika revealed—when leaked—that a number of senior members of the Government have corruptly exploited the land reform programme for personal gain. Reports have been appearing in the Zimbabwean and South African media that Mugabe is preparing his exit strategy, although these have been rebutted by ZANU-PF. Former United Kingdom High Commissioner in Harare, Peter Longworth, speculated that

a moment has now come within the upper echelons of the ruling ZANU-PF party where the President's continued tenure is seen as a liability to the future of the party and also to the ability of the party to stay cohesive.

6. Meanwhile, there has been no resumption of the inter-party talks, which were established at the instigation of Presidents Mbeki and Obasanjo after last year's flawed presidential election and which had already been suspended when we last reported to the House. ZANU-PF withdrew from the talks when the MDC launched a legal challenge to the election process and refuses to rejoin them until the court has reached a verdict or the action is withdrawn. The MDC, whose leader is on trial for treason with other senior party figures, has not set preconditions for a resumption of the dialogue, but has refused to withdraw its own court action and refuses to accept Mugabe's precondition that the legitimacy of the presidential elections be recognised. Despite the recent attempt by the Presidents of three African countries, Malawi, Nigeria and South Africa, to restart the talks, there appears now to be little prospect of them resuming.

7. We conclude that Mugabe's regime may indeed be in its last throes, although we do not underestimate its determination to cling to power. We recommend that the Government ensure that it is in a position swiftly to restore good working relations with any incoming administration which demonstrates a real commitment to restoring the rights, welfare and dignity of the people of Zimbabwe.

The humanitarian situation

8. The House's International Development Committee produced a helpful Report on the Crisis in Southern Africa in March. Observing that "the crisis is at its most acute in Zimbabwe," they concluded that

In Zimbabwe poor government is the key factor behind the humanitarian crisis. Zimbabwe's badly-planned land redistribution programme has severely disrupted the rural economy—both commercial farms and smallholders—and created a new class of vulnerable people, the displaced farm workers and their families. The politicisation of food aid, the exclusion of the private sector from any role in importing food, and poor relationships between the Government and donors have hindered responses to the crisis. Zimbabwe would normally help to alleviate food shortages in southern Africa. Instead, it is a major cause of the crisis, and an obstacle to an effective humanitarian response.

Since our colleagues reported, the situation has deteriorated still further. As the Minister told us:

The latest estimates are that 7.2 million Zimbabweans will continue to require food aid. We have a current situation where the World Food Programme is feeding some 4.5 million people, and [the UK is] engaged in supplementary feeding programmes for some 1.5 million people in Zimbabwe, mainly children, pregnant mothers, the elderly and those who have been thrown off the farms, the farm workers and their families.

9. That substantial part of the Zimbabwean population not in receipt of foreign aid is at the mercy of ZANU-PF, which, as the FCO reminded us, "has continued to manipulate the distribution of food for political advantage." We were also alarmed to hear from Georgina Godwin of SW Radio Africa that

It is an open secret in Harare that on the Save the Children trucks you see people in ZANU-PF youth militia uniform. That goes on every day. Who is talking about it? You ring up all these aid agencies; they do not want to speak about it. It is a terrible thing and I believe they must surely take on board this responsibility. They are watching people starve whilst feeding other people. They need to do something about the people they cannot feed.

Ms Godwin continued:

The World Food Programme is distributing food but… they have to distribute through various organisations. WFP chooses to distribute through ORAP (the Organisation for Rural Associations for Progress). The person who runs ORAP is Mrs Sithembiso Nyoni; she is a ZANU-PF MP… I believe they may not be doing it deliberately, but they are certainly aware of the ORAP link; it has been brought to their attention several times.

10. We asked the Minister to respond to these allegations. In relation to the first, she replied that

Save the Children in Zimbabwe strongly deny this [allegation]. They have checked it thoroughly, and are satisfied that there is no truth in it.

Save the Children also wrote to us, rebutting Ms Godwin's evidence.

11. On the second allegation, the Minister told us that

[The UK's] funding commitments through Christian Aid pre-date [Mrs Nyoni's] appointment to Government, and our monitoring indicates that assistance provided through ORAP is reaching its intended beneficiaries and is not politicised. Nevertheless, Christian Aid has raised with her the damaging effects of even the appearance of political influence through her continued participation in ORAP. A new Executive Director has now been appointed to manage the day to day activities of the organisation.

12. We welcome the assurances given by the aid providers. But we also appreciate that the Government and the aid agencies face an appalling dilemma. If they refuse to co-operate with ZANU-PF, they may find that they lose all control over the aid process. They cannot simply hand over aid to a regime which is corrupt; if they did, the aid would not reach the people who need it most. However, if they were to withdraw their aid those same people would suffer just as surely. In some cases it may be easier, therefore, to tolerate a degree of involvement by ZANU-PF.

13. In considering this dilemma, our colleagues on the International Development Committee concluded that the United Kingdom and international aid agencies

must strive to maintain freedom from political interference in their responses to humanitarian emergencies, while at the same time ensuring that the humanitarian imperative remains the overarching principle, irrespective of the nature of the regime or difficulties in relationships between international actors and national governments.

We endorse this conclusion, which echoes one in our previous Report.

14. We welcome the Report of the International Development Committee on the Humanitarian Crisis in Southern Africa. We recommend that the Government ensure that the policy which it supports, of refusing to operate through Zimbabwean governmental organisations or other official channels, is not subverted by inappropriate relationships with organisations closely associated with ZANU-PF.


 
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