Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Memoranda submitted by Foreign and Commonwealth Office[1]

Examination of Witnesses (Questions 729-739)

RT HON JACK STRAW MP, SIR MICHAEL JAY KCMG AND MR PETER RICKETTS CMG

24 JUNE 2003

  Q729  Chairman: Foreign Secretary, may I welcome you again on behalf of the Committee and with you Sir Michael Jay, the Permanent Under-Secretary, who we shall be meeting again in a different inquiry this afternoon, and Mr Peter Ricketts, the Director General, Political. We have considerable ground to cover in a short period of two hours and, of course, on Friday we look forward to seeing you, Foreign Secretary, in private session with senior officials. Can I appeal to you, Secretary of State, and to colleagues, that if we are to make progress on the range of ground that we need to cover we need both questions and answers to be reasonably concise. Foreign Secretary, hoping to set a good example can I begin this way, there have been the two dossiers, the September dossier and the early February dossier, we are promised by the Prime Minister another dossier, when will that come?

  Mr Straw: You have been promised another dossier by the Prime Minister? When did he make that particular—?

  Q730  Chairman: If I can find the relevant reference, this was on 1 June: "What I have said to people is over the coming weeks and months we will assemble this evidence and then we will give it to people".

  Mr Straw: I am quite clear that the Prime Minister has not made a formal pledge to publish, as it were, a third dossier. What he has said is precisely what you have just said in respect of further evidence of the existence of weapons of mass destruction. He also said that this will be made available as and when it becomes available. As I think you know from the evidence which you took last week, in particular from Dr Samore and Mr Taylor, there are reasons why the Iraq Survey Group took some time to get going and it will be some time, I cannot say how long, before there is further evidence to put in the public domain.

  Q731  Chairman: Would you expect that to come only at the end of the work of the Iraq Survey Group.

  Mr Straw: Not necessarily. Again, I think both those people who gave evidence explained why a running commentary on the evidence which we hope is going to be collected may not be feasible or possible because you will be interviewing one person and you will want to corroborate what they are saying and to check back against other sources. The more likely probability is that this will come at the end of the process. As soon as there is information available which with our coalition partners it is judged safe to put in the public domain it will be put in the public domain.

  Q732  Chairman: When that is done in whatever form what lessons will have been learnt about the use of intelligence-based material?

  Mr Straw: I spelt that out effectively in both statements I previously made in evidence to this Committee and in some of the questions and answers which I have given. The process which was followed for the first dossier, which was the published on 24 September, was the right process and that was checked and double-checked by senior officials and was not signed off until the Chairman of the JIC was satisfied with it. We have spelt that out. Yes, ministers, officials and special advisers were involved in commenting on it but the veracity and the integrity of the document was very firmly a matter for the Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee. As you know the arrangements for the production of the so-called second dossier, which effectively was a briefing paper for the press, were not satisfactory, even given the status of the document, and lessons have been clearly learned in respect of that.

  Q733  Chairman: What are those lessons?

  Mr Straw: As Sir Michael has already made clear to the Committee, instructions were given very quickly after the failure of a proper procedure came to light to ensure that this sort of thing did not happen again. The lessons are very straightforward; you have to follow very clear procedures for any documents of that kind. Let me just explain this, at a time of huge demand for media, 24 hour media coverage of a kind that is more intensive now than at any other time, there are all sorts of background papers being produced at any one time which necessarily are not going to go near ministers or senior officials (quite right too) provided all they are doing is replicating what is already in the public domain. The mistake that was made there was it was a briefing paper which then included intelligence and it was not subject to proper procedures nor proper checking. All that said and notwithstanding the very substantial error that the sources of the document were not attributed at all and that there were changes made, for example "opposition groups" to "terrorist organisations", the accuracy of the document I do not think is seriously at issue but of course it has been an embarrassment to the Government and lessons have been learned.

  Q734  Chairman: So far as the first document is concerned, September 24, which went through the proper processes, have any complaints being made by any senior intelligence officials about the use made by those documents?

  Mr Straw: None whatever to my knowledge.

  Chairman: Thank you.

  Q735  Sir John Stanley: Foreign Secretary, one of the central issues is whether the degree of immediacy of the threat from Saddam Hussein's regime that was conveyed to Parliament and to the wider public was justified on the basis of the intelligence information that was available to the Government. Central to this was the references in the September dossier to the 45 minute readiness of WMD to the Iraqi Armed Forces. As you know, Foreign Secretary, in the evidence the Committee has taken so far it has been alleged in Mr Andrew Gilligan's evidence, from the sources to which he referred, that the 45 minute element was a last minute insertion made for political presentations purposes and he associated that with the name of Alistair Campbell (who is before the Committee tomorrow). Would you like to respond to that allegation?

  Mr Straw: It is completely untrue, it is totally untrue. I can go into more detail in the closed session, and will obviously be going into more detail before the Intelligence and Security Committee. Chairman, I wonder if I may be allowed to make this point in response to Sir John, so far as we can ascertain by word searches and so on, neither the Prime Minister nor I or anybody acting on our behalf has ever used the words "immediate or imminent" threat, never used those words, in relation to the threat posed by Saddam Hussein. What we talked about in the dossier was a current and serious threat, which is very different. The Prime Minister said on 24 September, the day this dossier was published in the House: "I cannot say that this month or next, even this year or next, that Saddam will use his weapons". What we did say was that Saddam posed a serious threat to international peace and security. That is the exact wording from the Prime Minister's introduction to this document. Interestingly that judgment, not that there was an imminent or immediate threat but that there was a current and serious threat is also shared by the Security Council. Essentially what has been going on here is that some of our critics have tried to put into our mouths words and criteria we never, ever used. We did not use the phrase "immediate or imminent". Impending, soon to happen, as it were, about to happen today or tomorrow, we did not use that because plainly the evidence did not justify that. We did say there was a current and serious threat, and I stand by that judgment completely.

  Q736  Sir John Stanley: Foreign Secretary, the Government did refer to the fact that Iraqi weapons of mass destruction were available for deployment within 45 minutes of an order to use them and you made that statement yourself in your House speech of 21 February. The question I wish to put you is that the US Government showed no lack of readiness to pick up British intelligence information which they believed would be helpful to their particular case of justifying military intervention in Iraq. As you well know the British information in relation to uranium supplies to Iraq from Africa actually made it into President Bush's State of the Union address in January this year, even though it was subsequently found to be based on forged documentation. You have told the Committee—and all of the evidence we have suggests this is wholly correct—that at no time did the Americans ever touch with a barge pole the 45 minute statement being made by British ministers. That would seem to suggest that within the American intelligence and the political community they thought the intelligence basis for that statement was extremely unsound.

  Mr Straw: Can I first of all say on the issue of the uranium yellow cake, the information that was subsequently found to be forged did not come from British sources. A number of people have suggested that it did, it simply did not come from British sources, nor was this information available at all to the British intelligence community at the time when this first document was put together. Of course the words were chosen carefully, we did not say that Iraq had obtained quantities of uranium, what we did say, this is page 6, is that Iraq had sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa despite having no active civil nuclear power programme that could require it. As I hope to explain in the closed session on Friday, that information came from quite separate sources. Some background to that was that it is beyond peradventure that Iraq had at an earlier date imported 270 tonnes of yellow cake in the past, not at the time, that was not referring to that. So far as the 45 minutes is concerned I will check but I think that this intelligence was shared with the Americans.

  Q737  Sir John Stanley: I did not question whether it was shared. It is striking that in the entire public statements of President Bush's Government there is not one single reference to that very, very important statement being made by the British Government?

  Mr Straw: With great respect, I do not happen to regard the 45 minute statement having the significance which has been attached to it, neither does anybody else, indeed nobody round this table, if I say so with respect. It was scarcely mentioned in any of the very large number of debates that took place in the House, evidence to the Foreign Affairs Committee, all of the times I was questioned on the radio and television, scarcely mentioned at all.

  Q738  Sir John Stanley: It was highlighted in the foreword by the Prime Minister.

  Mr Straw: Of course but so were many other things highlighted in the foreword. This is a perfectly legitimate avenue of enquiry for the Committee but it is quite important for people to appreciate the 45 minute claim that these weapons would be ready to deploy, some WMD would be ready to deploy—no reference to missiles, by the way, as some of your evidence-givers have suggested, none whatever—was part of the case. To suggest that was the burden of the case is frankly nonsense. This has only taken on a life of its own because of the subsequent claims that this particular section of the dossier was inserted in there not as a result of the properly acceptable procedures for intelligence but as a result, as Mr Gilligan claimed, that Alastair Campbell had put that in there apparently from nowhere. That is totally and completely untrue. I also wanted to say this, because it is very important to get this into perspective, the case for seeking the first resolution for the Security Council, which we eventually got on 8 November, then seeking to hold Saddam Hussein to the terms of that resolution and then when he palpably failed to do so, deciding to take military action stood regardless of whether this evidence of the 45 minutes was available or not. It is significant because if you look at all of the statements that were made in the House and elsewhere, certainly in the lead-up to the war, the 45 minute section was not mentioned. Why? Because there was other evidence, overwhelming evidence, open source evidence which was available which was subject to no dispute.

  Q739  Sir John Stanley: Can I ask one final question in relation to the second dossier, the dodgy dossier? There are a number of questions I would like to put to Sir Michael perhaps this afternoon if other colleagues do not take them up. Foreign Secretary, when you came before the Committee on 4 March you were asked by Mr Mackinlay: "Who authorised the dodgy dossier in that parlance?" You replied: "On the issue of which ministers approved it it was approved by the Prime Minister". Just for the record, when you gave your response to the Committee in answer to our questions when you said: "No ministers were consulted in the preparation of the document", can you just confirm you meant no Foreign Office ministers were consulted in the preparation of the document?

  Mr Straw: I was drawing a clear distinction between the Prime Minister and ministers. No minister in Government was consulted about the document, apart from the Prime Minister.


1   Ninth Report from the Foreign Affairs Committee, Session 2002-03, The Decision to go to War in Iraq, HC 813-II, Evs 61, 64 and 70. Back


 
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