Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1260-1279)

RT HON JACK STRAW MP, MR PETER RICKETTS, CMG AND MR WILLIAM EHRMAN, CMG

27 JUNE 2003

  Q1260  Sir John Stanley: Foreign Secretary, there are three issues I wish to pursue with you and your colleagues. The first relates to the whole issue of the uranium from Africa. That is a central issue and was a central element in the Government's September 2002 dossier and the Government on page 27 of the dossier said, for example: "We therefore judge that if Iraq obtained fissile material and other essential components from foreign sources the timeline for production of a nuclear weapon would be shortened and Iraq could produce a nuclear weapon in between one and two years." Can you confirm what has appeared extensively, and this may be one for your officials, in both the British and the American press that in February 2002—I stress 2002—the American administration sent a retired US ambassador who had had experience of serving in Africa to Niger to investigate allegations, documents, that Niger was involved in the supply of uranium to Iraq?

  Mr Straw: I am sorry, I have got no knowledge of that claim one way or the other.

  Q1261  Chairman: Would one of your officials?

  Mr Ehrman: I am not aware of that.

  Q1262  Sir John Stanley: I find that a very, very surprising answer and it suggests to me that we do not have the appropriate officials. This is important information that has been shown extensively in the American press and also in the British press. Only as recently as June 12 in the Washington Post, this public source, it is stated: "Armed with information reportedly showing that Iraqi officials had been seeking to buy uranium in Niger one or two years earlier, the CIA in early February 2002 despatched a retired US ambassador to the country to investigate the claims". Indeed, that was further confirmed by Dr Glen Rangwala in the Independent on 22 June who said that he himself had met the particular former US ambassador a few days ago, and I myself have spoken to Dr Rangwala about the conversation he had. The ambassador returned to the United States in a matter of three weeks, as was reported in the Washington Post, and the article says: "After returning to the United States, the envoy reported to the CIA that the uranium purchase story was false." Can you, or your officials, tell this Committee at what point, given the closeness of the intelligence relationship between Britain and the United States, the British intelligence community, presumably in the United States, was informed that the CIA had made this investigation and had reported that the conclusion of the former US ambassador was that the documentation and the allegations were false? At what point was that reported to the British intelligence community?

  Mr Ricketts: I cannot answer that, Sir John. I would recall that the fact that uranium—yellow cake—had been supplied from Niger to Iraq in the 1980s is a confirmed fact, so reports of continued Iraqi interest in sourcing uranium from Niger did not seem to us to be implausible.

  Q1263  Sir John Stanley: That is not the point I am putting to you at all. The point I am putting to you is a very simple factual point. The former US ambassador made the visit to Africa, returned in early March after three weeks and reported to the CIA that the uranium purchase story was false. I would find it inexplicable if that particular result of the envoy's visit was not reported to British defence liaison staff in Washington. As you are not able to give me the answer to this question, which is a very material question for reasons I shall come on to, Foreign Secretary, please could you very, very quickly tell us the answer to my question, when did the CIA report to the British intelligence community the result of the former US ambassador's visit to Niger?

  Mr Straw: I will seek to get you an answer as quickly as possible, Sir John, as I always do. I would like to say this: number one, I have learned that the IAEA—

  Q1264  Sir John Stanley: I am sorry.

  Mr Straw: Allow me to say this because it is rather important. I learned that they had judged that the documentation relating to Iraq having bought yellow cake were forgeries at the Security Council when the IAEA published them.

  Q1265  Sir John Stanley: I am coming on to these issues, Foreign Secretary, and please at that point give me the answers to those questions. I just want to take this issue through chronologically in my own order, if I may. That was a report made by the former US ambassador and I would find it wholly inexplicable if that was not shared very promptly with the British defence liaison staff in Washington. The question I now want to come to is what was said in the September 2002 dossier. On that particular issue, as we know, in the foreword under the name of the Prime Minister there is a reference to the fact that Saddam Hussein is continuing in his efforts to develop nuclear weapons, and in the bullet points: "Saddam Hussein sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa, despite having no active civil nuclear power programme that could require it". Given the fact that the Niger documents were certainly at that time known to the Americans, and I believe also to British intelligence, to be forgeries, it is clear that the statement made in the September 2002 dossier was clearly based on separate intelligence in which the British Government had confidence. The point I want to put to you is that when the Prime Minister came to the House on September 24 at the time when the September 2002 dossier was published, he said: "In addition, we know that Saddam has been trying to buy significant quantities of uranium from Africa, although we do not know whether he has been successful". The question I have in my mind is why did the Government, either in the document or in what the Prime Minister said in the House, at least not put some degree of health warning over the statements that appeared in the September 2002 dossier to the effect that alongside intelligence in which the British Government clearly had confidence there were already, and had been known for some six months previously, forged documents in circulation? I have to say I am somewhat surprised that no reference was made to those forged documents in the very self-same area in which the Prime Minister was saying without qualification, without ambiguity, "we know that Saddam has been trying to buy significant quantities of uranium from Africa, although we do not know whether he has been successful or not". Why was there not any sort of health warning?

  Mr Straw: Sir John, we will find out what the state of knowledge was about the story that you gave in your previous question. What I can say, however, as far as I am concerned is that I had absolutely no knowledge of any documents relating to this area being forged until the IAEA said that in one of their reports in February or March 2003. I am confident in saying that that I also speak for the Prime Minister.

  Q1266  Sir John Stanley: I am not suggesting, Foreign Secretary, that you did have any knowledge but I think you will be quite interested, therefore, in the answer to the earlier question which I put to you. I am quite interested to know what was the date on which the British intelligence community were informed by the CIA that this forged documentation existed.

  Mr Straw: We will find out.

  Q1267  Sir John Stanley: And why, perhaps, so very, very many months elapsed even after the publication of the September 2002 dossier with these very emphatic statements when neither the Prime Minister nor yourself were informed as to the existence of the forgeries. Can I go on now beyond the September 2002 document. This issue is one which Mr Mackinlay did raise in the last session and I would like to carry it on. As you well know, the British Government was under direct United Nations obligations on Security Council resolutions to provide information that was going to be of value to the IAEA in investigating the compliance or non-compliance by Saddam Hussein with the issue of the procurement of fissile materials and materials that would be relevant to the Iraqi regime's nuclear production. I would like to point out to you, and I have the detailed texts of the various resolutions, that not merely was the British Government under an obligation to provide that information under Security Council Resolution 1441, which of course was only passed on 8 November 2002, but the British Government was under an even stronger obligation, an even more mandatory obligation, under Security Council Resolution 1051 of 27 March 1996 in paragraph 12. The British Government clearly had strong intelligence, in its view, supporting the Prime Minister's statement that Saddam Hussein was in the market for procuring uranium from Africa. What was the date, Foreign Secretary, on which the British Government complied with its obligations under the two Security Council resolutions and passed the firm intelligence that it had, which underpinned what was in the September 2002 document, to the IAEA?

  Mr Straw: I will ask Mr Ricketts and Mr Ehrman to give more detail, but—

  Q1268  Sir John Stanley: I just want the date, I do not want a long response. I am just asking a very simple question. I am asking your officials if you cannot give the answer. I want to know, please, the date, that is all I am asking for. What was the date on which the British Government complied with its Security Council obligations to pass information on to the IAEA?

  Mr Straw: I am going to give an answer and, if I may, I will give the answer in my own way. Resolution 1051, to which you referred, was passed before we came into office in March 1996, so I cannot give you the exact date. I assume, that as with every other kind of obligation, the previous government, of which I was not a member but you were, was co-operating fully with the United Nations in this particular as in others. What I also know—

  Q1269  Sir John Stanley: I am sorry, Security Council Resolution 1051 was ongoing at the time we are talking about. We are talking about fresh intelligence which came to your Government and which underpinned putting into the September 2002 dossier the detailed statements that were made in emphatic terms about uranium supplies to Africa. That intelligence was under the obligation of your Government to pass on to the IAEA. When was it done?

  Mr Ehrman: The intelligence came from a foreign service and we understand that it was briefed to the IAEA in 2003.

  Q1270  Sir John Stanley: What date in 2003?

  Mr Ehrman: I would have to check.

  Mr Straw: We will have to give it to you later.

  Q1271  Sir John Stanley: That is a very, very important date, extremely important, because the dossier became available in September 2002, so how long did it take the British Government to comply with their UN obligations?

  Mr Straw: We were complying with those obligations and co-operating to a very high degree, as both the IAEA, UNMOVIC and its predecessor, UNSCOM, always accepted.

  Q1272  Sir John Stanley: Can I come back to you, Mr Ehrman. You said in 2003. If you know the year, surely you must know the month, Mr Ehrman.

  Mr Ehrman: I would have to check the exact month.

  Q1273  Sir John Stanley: If you would let us know the exact month very precisely and very quickly. This brings me to the last point I want to make on this which is that if the British Government were complying with their obligations under the United Nations Security Council resolutions then I have to say I am exceedingly surprised by the wording of Dr Mohammed El-Baradei's statement to the United Nations Security Council on 7 March 2003. I am very surprised by the final sentence. These are the three sentences, but the final one is the significant one: "Based on thorough analysis the IAEA has concluded with the concurrence of outside experts that these documents which form the basis for the reports of recent uranium transactions between Iraq and Niger are in fact not authentic. We have therefore concluded that these specific allegations are unfounded." This is the key sentence which puzzles me hugely: "However, we will continue to follow up any additional evidence, if it emerges, relevant to efforts by Iraq to illicitly import nuclear materials." It would appear to me, therefore, that at the time when Dr El-Baradei made that statement to the UN Security Council on 7 March the British Government at that point had still not provided the intelligence which it had, which underpinned what appeared in the September 2002 document, to the IAEA. Why not?

  Mr Ehrman: I was saying that my understanding was that the intelligence was passed to the IAEA in 2003, I did not say by the British Government. My understanding is that it was by the country which had that intelligence.

  Mr Straw: I make clear, Sir John, as far as—

  Q1274  Sir John Stanley: I am sorry, Mr Ehrman, if we are at cross-purposes let us just sort it out. The British Government's statement—I quoted what the Prime Minister said in the House—"We know that Saddam has been trying to buy significant quantities of uranium from Africa, although we do not know whether he has been successful", and repeated in the dossier, in the bullet points, "sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa, despite having no active civil nuclear power programme that could require it. . .", that was clearly British information based on British intelligence. Anyway, it is information for which the British Government is responsible.

  Mr Straw: But, Sir John,—

  Q1275  Sir John Stanley: I am just asking why was that information apparently not passed on straight away to the IAEA?

  Mr Straw: We will have to get you a detailed answer but may I say that my understanding throughout this, and it is something that the IAEA and UNMOVIC themselves acknowledged, was that we were indeed co-operating actively with both agencies of the United Nations. You understand the distinction, but I think people may be forgiven for thinking there has been a conflation here of the intelligence relating to yellow cake, which was the subject of the forgeries, which as I said in the session on Tuesday did not come from British intelligence. There was some inadvertent reporting that it did, but it did not. That is just a fact. We can go into more detail in private session.

  Q1276  Sir John Stanley: If I may say so, that is a red herring.

  Mr Straw: That is not a red herring at all.

  Q1277  Sir John Stanley: I am not talking about the forged documents. The Minister has already stated that that particular documentation, that particular source material, did not come from the UK. It has been widely reported in the press that it came from Italy, I have no means of knowing whether that is the case or not. I am talking about the intelligence which underpinned the statement in the September 2002 dossier and which obviously underpinned the statement made by the British Prime Minister. Foreign Secretary, you say in your public document to us in relation to the statement on page 25 of the dossier that "There is intelligence that Iraq has sought the supply of significant quantities of uranium from Africa" and you go on to say: "This reference drew on intelligence reporting from more than one source". Fine. I am simply asking why that intelligence reporting drawing from more than one source, for which the British Government took responsibility, which the British Government used, which when the President of the United States referred to it in his State of the Union address referred specifically to the fact that it came from Britain, did not claim it came from America, that intelligence reporting was not forthwith passed to the IAEA because if it had Dr El-Baradei in his statement on 7 March could not have been referring to "continuing to follow up any additional evidence, if it emerges, relevant to efforts by Iraq to illicitly import nuclear materials". Foreign Secretary, we want to know when was this substantial intelligence information that underpinning the document passed on and why was there such a delay?

  Mr Straw: We will get you an answer and you will then be able to assess whether there was a delay, Sir John.

  Sir John Stanley: Can I now come to—

  Q1278  Richard Ottaway: Can I ask one quick question. Are you still standing by the uranium claim?

  Mr Straw: What was in the document, yes.

  Q1279  Richard Ottaway: What is the source of that?

  Mr Straw: We will come to that in private session, Mr Ottaway.


 
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