Select Committee on Home Affairs Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


APPENDIX 26

Memorandum submitted by the Rape Crisis Federation of England and Wales and Campaign to End Rape

INTRODUCTION

  Rape Crisis Federation (RCF) and Campaign to End Rape (CER) welcome the Sexual Offences Bill as an improvement on the old laws, which are systematically failing to deliver justice, especially to adult women. [88]

  Insofar as the specific clauses upon which the Home Affairs Committee invites our views we make the following observations:

  Clause 77—Statutory Definition of Consent

    —  We welcome clarification as to the meaning of consent. It is vital that the law is clear, accessible and easy to understand, demarking observable boundaries of acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. Whilst we recognize that clause 77 is reasonably explicit, both about the circumstances and about the state of mind of the person giving consent, we believe that in an area of human behaviour where verbal and non-verbal messages may be misinterpreted and where assumptions and mythology are widespread, clause 77 falls short of achieving optimum clarity.

    —  We suggest that greater clarity could be achieved in two ways:

    1.  by prefacing the explanation in clause 77 with a simple definition: we favour "free agreement"[89]; and

    2.  by expanding clause 77 to include an explanation of what consent is NOT.

    —  Research and our experience of working with rape survivors have identified some specific situations which arise over and again, and which cloud the issue of consent. These include where complainants, through fear[90] or as a result of drug or alcohol consumption[91], remain silent, fail to struggle or otherwise protest. These factors and the absence of physical indicators of a struggle, such as vaginal bruising or other injuries can unfairly disadvantage complainants in rape trials. Other factors, which have similar consequences, are those which lead to delays in reporting: amnesia following drug or alcohol consumption for example[92], fear of reprisals—particularly in cases where the complainant knows the assailant and fear of not being believed. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is the most common psychiatric outcome after a traumatic event such as rape. Research indicates that the symptomatology of such conditions (including shock, depression, panic and anxiety) can also be responsible for delays in reporting. [93]

    —  We therefore strongly recommend that, for the avoidance of doubt, clause 77 should be amended thus:

        (i)  For the purposes of this part consent will be defined as "free agreement"—

(a)  a person consents if s/he agrees by choice, and has the freedom and capacity to make that choice, and

(b)  free agreement is not to be assumed on the basis that the complainant:

    (i)  did not say or do anything; or

    (ii)  did not protest or physically resist; or

    (iii)  was not physically injured; or

    (iv)  delayed in reporting the offence.

    —  We also favour, in line with legislation in Victoria, Australia:

        (ii)  or, had on a previous occasion, freely agreed to engage in sexual activity with the defendant.

    —  We believe the above amendment would increase consistency in the application of the law, formalise good practice and help to counter some common prejudices.

  Clause 78—Presumptions about the absent of consent

    —  We welcome the list of circumstances in which consent is to be presumed absent. However, there is a strong case for this being a non-exhaustive list, setting down examples, rather than a definitive list attempting to anticipate all the circumstances in which consent will be deemed to be absent. We appreciate the arguments in favour of promoting certainty and acknowledge that the list places a reverse burden on the defendant. However, it is no more than an evidential burden and in such circumstances a non-exhaustive list would not be unfair to the defendant or incompatible with Convention rights. The legal burden of proof remains on the prosecution throughout. Arguably a definitive list deprives the law of flexibility whereas a non-exhaustive list would have the advantage of allowing the courts to continue to develop the common law when different circumstances apply.

    —  We therefore recommend that the list is non-exhaustive.

    —  Research and our experience show that perpetrators of rape and sexual assault commonly threaten future violence or harm, and not just immediate violence. Also, the targets of such threats include relatives, especially children, of victims as well as the victims themselves. This is particularly so where rape occurs in the context of domestic violence[94]. In addition, threats include other types of harm, not just violence: threats of molesting or abducting children for example, and in the workplace, threats of job-loss or demotion. [95]

    —  We therefore strongly object to the inclusion in clauses 78(3)(a) and (b) of the word "immediate"", to restrict the ambit of the violence feared; and, we also recommend that clause 78 is expanded to cater for other types of harm. We propose amendments along the following lines:

(a)  any person was, at the time of the relevant act or immediately before it began, using violence against the complainant or another person, causing the complainant to fear for her own or the other person's immediate safety;

(b)  any person was, at the time of the relevant act or immediately before it began, threatening the use of violence or harm to the complainant or another person, causing the complainant to fear that harm would befall her or another person, or that she or another person would suffer violence;

(c)  any person was, at the time of the relevant act or immediately before it began, causing the complainant to fear that an unlawful act would be carried out to her detriment or to the detriment of another person;

    Clause (a) covers the actual use of physical violence by any person against the complainant or for example, her child, which causes her to fear for her or her child's immediate safety; (b) covers threats of violence towards the complainant or her child, which puts her in fear (for herself or her child) of violence either now or in the future. It also covers threats of harm (such as threats to harass, alarm or distress her, to abduct her child, or burn down her house) now or in the future; (c) covers blackmail type situations where a boss threatens demotion or job-loss for the complainant or for her husband, parent, or child for example.

    —  We also recommend the amendment of clause 78(3)(d) for the following reasons:

    —  We particularly regret the omission from the list of presumptive circumstances, of the situation where a person is too affected by alcohol or drugs (albeit voluntarily consumed) to consent sexual intercourse. Whilst we welcome the inclusion of the circumstance where the person is asleep or unconscious, we believe that there is a point well in advance of unconsciousness when a person may not have the capacity to consent. We remain unconvinced that someone, for example, too drunk to walk home, too drunk to resist, or too drunk to communicate effectively their unwillingness to have sexual intercourse, will be adequately protected in the absence of a rebuttable presumption. There is a commonly held belief that women drink to loosen their inhibitions and that consent to alcohol is consent to sexual intercourse. This makes it doubly difficult to prove rape when the recreational, excessive use of drink or drugs is a feature.

    —  Our recommendation in respect of clause 78(3)(d) is therefore as follows:

    "at the time of the relevant act, the complainant was asleep, unconscious or too affected by alcohol or drugs to give free agreement"

  Clause 76—Offences against children under 13

    —  We welcome setting the age of 13 as an age below which a child is deemed incapable of consenting to sexual activity. We believe that the law should recognise that children under this age are insufficiently mature, physically and emotionally, to cope with the consequences of sexual activity.

THE DEFENCE OF HONEST BELIEF IN CONSENT

    —  The concept of "honest belief" in consent, a legacy of the House of Lord's controversial judgment in the case of Morgan (1974), currently used as a defence to rape, is easy to assert and almost impossible to refute because there is no requirement in the present law for an "honest belief" to be reasonably held. A rapist can therefore lay claim to a completely absurd, irrational belief in consent—in the face of clear protestations and resistance. If the prosecution are unable to disprove his alleged honest belief, the jury have to acquit—even where they are sure on the evidence, consent was not given.

  We vehemently oppose retaining a defence of "honest belief" in consent. In our view, mistaken beliefs in consent are just as easy to avoid as they are to assert and a person seeking sexual intimacies should have the onus of ensuring he has the consent of the other party. The focus in a rape trial, as in any other criminal trial, ought to be on the legality of the defendant's conduct and not on the propriety of the complainant's actions. That said, we understand the argument that the law should punish people not simply for what they do but for what they intend.

    —  We therefore welcome the introduction in the Bill of external standards of reasonableness to test "belief" in place of the current defence of "honest belief": if a reasonable person would in all the circumstances doubt the presence of consent and a defendant does not act in a way that a reasonable person would consider sufficient to resolve that doubt, he should be convicted of rape where all other elements of the offence exist. We therefore fully support the jury being able to consider the adequacy of measures taken by a defendant to resolve doubts about consent.

CONCLUSION

    —  RCF's support work reveals that many women who have been raped have little if any confidence in the present system of justice. This is hardly surprising when the attrition rate continues to fall and convictions are now at an all time low of 7%.[96] Women either feel so discouraged that they fail to report the rape or they decide to withdraw their complaint: the corollary is that many rapists go unchallenged. It is clearly imperative that public confidence is restored through the implementation of sexual offences, which are coherent, clear and fair—to the complainant as well as the defendant. It is also imperative that the attrition rate is redressed. RCF and CER commend the government on many positive achievements within the Sexual Offences Bill and, in principle we welcome and support it with much enthusiasm. However, we regret that some of the clauses identified here remain unclear and ill-defined.

March 2003


88   Home Office data shows that for cases tried in 2000 the highest acquittal rates in trials are for rapes of adult women, when compared to both minors and adult men (59% for females over 16, 52% for females under 16, 52% for males over 16, 42% for males under 16). Back

89   Home Office, Setting The Boundaries, Reforming the law on sex offences Back

90   Lees S (2002) Carnal Knowledge: Rape on Trial. London Women's Press. 2nd Edition. Back

91   Sturman P (2000) Drug Assisted Sexual Assault. London, Home Office. Back

92   ibid see also Cybulska B (2002) Drug Assisted Rape. Back

93   Tinsley H (2002) Rape: the victim's perspective. Journal of Family Planning and Reproductive Health Care. Vol 28 No 3 July. Back

94   Hester M, Pearson C, Harwin N (2000) Making an Impact: Children and Domestic Violence. London, Jessica Kingsley. Back

95   Lees S, op cit.  Back

96   The most recent British Crime Survey findings indicate that 45% of rapes are committed by current partners/boyfriends, with further 47% involving casual acquaintances (16%); dates (11%); family friends, relatives or work colleagues (10%) and ex-partners (10%). These rapes by known men, are however, still less likely to be reported than those by strangers. op cit. Back


 
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