Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 100-119)

MR KEITH BEST, MR NICK HARDWICK AND SIR ANDREW GREEN

TUESDAY 17 SEPTEMBER 2002

Chairman

  100. Sir Andrew?
  (Sir Andrew Green) I would like to share Mrs Prentice's scepticism on this. I think we are living in "Alice-in-Wonderland", Chairman. We are spending something of the order of £600 million a year on this process and nine people out of ten are staying anyway. It would be a very good question to ask the Home Office, and they have not given this figure for some time, exactly what this is costing and how it is broken down. They are very reluctant to tell you, but it is of that order. It is just money poured down the drain. I just cannot believe what I am hearing here.

  101. You would not offer any advice?
  (Sir Andrew Green) We have to go back to the drawing board and ask ourselves how nine out ten people can stay.

  102. I think that point is well-understood. What advice would you make available to people that come here just to make the system more efficient.
  (Sir Andrew Green) It depends how you put it. I find it very difficult to understand why the taxpayer should pay for people in Bangladesh to fill in their forms. If you look at the joint entry clearance annual review, you will find that the applications for visas instead of going up at 5% a year as it has done for ten years, it has doubled, and it is now going up at 10% a year. What is more, in Islamabad it is up 34%; in Accra 55%; and Madras 24%. How much money—

  103. Is the success rate going up accordingly?
  (Sir Andrew Green) They have only given one years's figures here so I cannot answer that question.
  (Mr Best) Can I just correct Sir Andrew factually on one thing. Our operation in Sylhet is not funded by the taxpayer. It is funded entirely independently and no taxpayers' money goes into that office. It is an alarming concept that, by analogy, all the legal advice and representation on those who are acquitted in a criminal court is wasted.
  (Sir Andrew Green) Just on the question of funds, I am amazed to hear that. I was looking at the annual accounts of the Immigration Advisory Service. 99.99% of their funds come from government sources. The total amount of donations, according to the latest accounts, is £14,000 on £8.5 million.

  104. The only point we are addressing here, without opening up a new front, is whether providing legal advice at an early stage is essential to get what we all desire, which is a more effective and a less accident prone and appeal prone system of processing applications.
  (Sir Andrew Green) I think you are throwing even more good money after bad.

  105. So you are saying under no circumstances. Obviously you are going to have to provide interpreters. Do you agree about that?
  (Sir Andrew Green) They are there already.

  106. Out of this large budget.
  (Sir Andrew Green) Are you talking about visa sections?

  107. No, I am not talking about visas, I am talking about asylum seekers. This is about providing legal advice. I do not think you are really against, are you, at this stage? I am pressing on this point.
  (Sir Andrew Green) I was picking up the point about Sylhet.

  108. Never mind Sylhet because that is not germane. We are talking about asylum seekers and we are talking about advice available to them, not only legal advice but interpreters as well, in the earlier stages, in the interests of once they are here, making the system of dealing with their applications more efficient?
  (Sir Andrew Green) I do not have a strong view. I just want to re-organise the system.

  109. I thought we were at cross-purposes.
  (Mr Hardwick) I am not a lawyer and I do not have experience of lawyers. I would say from our experience that I would be in favour of early legal advice, provided there was a tough regulatory regime that went with that. Certainly we too have had experience not just of people encouraged to spin their cases out, which I accept sometimes happens, but also we have the other end of the problem where people with perfectly good cases have been incredibly badly advised and not been given an opportunity to put their case properly to begin with. Our view would be an appropriately regulated system, if people have adequate advice the first time so it was clear to them and well-understood and they have had the opportunity to put all the facts relevant to their case right at the start of their process, would reduce delays, both as the process worked its way through, but also at the end, for those people in those circumstances having been properly advised and having had a proper right to appeal and had failed to make their case. Some of the obstacles that now occur in the removal process would be much less severe. I think proper legal advice would speed it up.

  Chairman: You are more or less at one on this. Mr Russell on accommodation centres.

Bob Russell

  110. You are obviously aware that the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Bill proposes to create a network of centres. I believe they are going to be called accommodation centres (although you may have another description for them) at which asylum seekers will be processed. Can you confirm that these asylum seekers will include dependents, wives and children?
  (Mr Hardwick) Certainly I think that seems to be the Government's policy. I think when and whether these are going to happen is now looking more and more dubious. As I understand it, as a result of the planning process that now has to be gone through, the first of these is unlikely to open until late 2004. Given the way these things have a way of slipping behind schedule, I would be very surprised if any accommodation centres actually open until 2005.

  111. What are your problems with the Government's proposals?
  (Mr Hardwick) Let me make my point on that. The second point is I think it is very clear that these accommodation centres will have 750 people each. Let's say by some miracle they get people through in six months, they are still then looking in total, even by 2005, at less than 10% of all asylum seekers going through this system. The idea that they will then somehow be able to construct the other 40 they need in a short space of time is unlikely. The point I want to make is that from our point of view the key issue for the support of asylum seekers is going to be that the dispersal system pretty much as it now is will continue for many years to come. One of the problems I have with the accommodation centres is the huge amounts of political and management energy which is going into setting up something which, frankly, is not going to have that much impact on the overall support of asylum seekers. The key issue from our point of view is making the dispersal system work. Having said that, in principle our problem with the accommodation centres as proposed is that they are too big and in the wrong place. The Home Office has got itself in a muddle over this. When they started they said, "This is a trial. By definition, we are not sure if this is going to work. We are going to try this and see if it works". And suddenly this trial has become an enormous point of principle. Even if you look at the way the trials have progressed so far in the planning stages, the costs and time involved are much greater than originally anticipated. I think they should look at the whole system on that basis. The starting position is let's have these big centres and then decide what we are going do in them. I think they should have done it the other way round and said, "What is the process we want to follow"? How do we best integrate and support the decision-making processes and what infrastructure do we need in order for that? That is where we are coming to our proposal for much smaller "core and cluster" centres.

  112. You have explained why the Government proposals will not work in your view. What models would you prefer and how would they surmount the problem you have just outlined?
  (Mr Hardwick) We have put forward a detailed proposal to the Home Office and we are in the process of discussing it with them now. What essentially we are arguing for is what is called a core and cluster model which would be located in diverse areas, so the accommodation units where people live would be much smaller. We have suggested no more than 100 places. You would have a number of these and then you would have central services, including the Home Office functions, located in a central building within reasonable travelling distance of the places where people are actually staying. I would add to that, as I was alluding to earlier, a really clear casework management system so the progress of the individual through both the support system—schools, education and other things—and their progress through the asylum system were managed on a fairly intense basis. Our view is that you can do as that cheaply in terms of running costs, certainly cheaper in terms of capital costs, and certainly more quickly than the Home Office's model.

  113. Why have the Home Office not accepted your Utopian solution?
  (Mr Hardwick) To be fair, I do not think it is Utopian because it is based on a number of years of very factual experience and it worked successfully in the Kosovan evacuation programme. To be fair to the Home Office, we are involved in very real and detailed discussions about making that. The Home Secretary has indicated that he is willing to try something along the lines of our model in one of his trials. We are having very practical discussions with them about how it would work on the ground.

  114. So there may be a meeting of minds but in the meantime how is the National Asylum Support Service going to cope without the accommodation centres, either your system or the Home Office system? What needs to be done to ensure that something can be done for the asylum seekers at this moment in time?
  (Mr Hardwick) First of all, if you take the current dispersal system, there is no doubt that there are significant problems with the dispersal arrangements as they exist at the moment. I would say the stories of its mass demise have been rather exaggerated. It is a difficult situation but it is not the critical situation that is sometimes described. Our experience on the ground in terms of what happens to people as they get dispersed is that it is slowly beginning to improve, despite the fact there was the very tragic incident in Sunderland the other day. If we look in general, what is happening is local services are beginning to adapt, communities are beginning to form. Just to give a practical example, we see about 40,000 people a year going through the initial part of the system, to begin with very large numbers of those were coming back to us and saying, "It is dreadful, we cannot cope". That return rate of numbers of people coming back has very significantly reduced. The problem within that system is with the mechanics of getting people from A to B through the various applications, large numbers of people are building up in emergency accommodation before they get dispersed. I think that is fixable. The fundamental thing is we have been making two really big mistakes with the dispersal system. The first is they agreed a year ago that to make this work properly they needed to regionalise the system. You cannot run a massive housing programme from offices in Croydon. We said, "What you need to do is get regional managers with authority to take decisions and a proper infrastructure on the ground", so they advise, negotiate with all the other services, so that when you are trying to decide where you are going to place people, you are not deciding that with temporary staff in Croydon but deciding it with people in Sunderland or in Birmingham or wherever who have got a knowledge of the situation and of the working of the links. The second thing is they have to recognise that what they are running here is a housing programme. It seems to me extraordinary that nowhere in that of which I am aware is there anyone who has a housing background. It is a matter of very good people doing their best and working incredibly hard, but constantly reinventing the wheel. I think there are some management fixes that could be put into the dispersal system which would resolve the current difficulties. I would appeal to politicians to focus on that, not this five year distant pipe dream of the accommodation centres.

  115. In conclusion, you just painted a picture of doom and gloom and earlier on I got the impression that you were saying that the Home Office was taking on board the serious reservations that you have. Where exactly are they? Are they meeting you?
  (Mr Hardwick) I am trying to be very specific about what I am saying. I think there are problems in dispersal, but I am saying I do not think they are as critical as sometimes they are painted. On the accommodation centres, we are having detailed discussions about our model with them, but they know and we have pointed out our reservations about the feasibility and "in principle" problems with the accommodation centres. They have talked about taking that on. What we are saying is that whatever happens in the accommodation centre-type model, you are stuck with dispersal for a number of years to come. There are problems and these problems can be overcome, but you need to learn from experience, and some of the things we are suggesting, which the Home Office seem to accept take a long time to do, would go a long way to resolving some of the current difficulties.

Mr Cameron

  116. Do any of you think that the existence of the accommodation centres will reduce the inflow of asylum seekers into the United Kingdom or do you believe they will assist the removal of those who have been refused asylum in the United Kingdom, particularly if they are not secure?
  (Mr Best) No.
  (Mr Hardwick) I do not think it will have any impact on the numbers of people coming here.

  117. Do you all agree with that?
  (Mr Best) If potential asylum seekers were also to read Hansard in the Lords to see what Lord Filkin is saying about accommodation centres, it might be regarded as being a positive draw because they have been billed as having so many facilities and such a wonderful nature that, if anything, it could only be seen as an incentive.

  118. Sir Andrew, do you agree with that? There will be no impact on the attractiveness of Britain as a destination?
  (Sir Andrew Green) Yes, because I think it brings us back to this question of removal, and the failure to remove crucially undermines the Government's policy in its two main elements. One is accommodation centres and I would entirely agree with what Mr Hardwick says about those. The other is speeding up the judicial process. If nine out of ten are going to stay anyway, you can fiddle around with accommodation centres or whatever you like, but the Government's policy is shot out of the water.

  119. To go to the second half of the question, do you believe that the existence of accommodation centres will help the process of removals?
  (Sir Andrew Green) The point follows. Because people can leave the accommodation centre if they think the case is going against them, it does nothing to help deal with the removal question, which is crucial.
  (Mr Hardwick) On this particular point, one of the flaws in the Government's proposals for accommodation centres is they have not worked out how people are going to leave, either they be properly ejected in terms of being removed, or finding a place for those who are accepted to go. The experience on the Continent is that these things have silted up and very soon you are back into the same problem you were before. That is what is going to happen.
  (Mr Best) Sadly, it is not universal. There is general goodwill towards the idea of reception centres, but this is an example where the Government is flying in the face of not only all the excellent evidence from the Continent but also flying in the face of its own research department.

  Chairman: Moving on to detention because I want to spend more time on how we deal with removal, Mrs Watkinson?


 
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