Select Committee on Home Affairs Appendices to the Minutes of Evidence


APPENDIX 15

Memorandum submitted by Neil Gerrard MP

  There are a number of issues on which I believe it would be valuable for the Committee to question the Home Office.

  There is clearly a case for a policy of swifter removal for those whose asylum claims have failed and have no further appeal rights outstanding. The Home Office is now making much quicker decisions on asylum claims. However it appears that the policy of making swifter decisions has actually been applied to those who have arrived in the UK in the last year or so. There is a backlog of older claims. There is also a very substantial backlog of cases where an asylum claim was rejected some time ago (in some cases years ago) but where no removal action has been instigated. Little progress seems to be being made on this backlog, and in many cases the people concerned have effectively become settled in the UK. The longer people have been here the more problematic removal becomes. It would be worth asking the Home Office what progress is being made on this backlog of older cases (not just what the overall figures are for cases awaiting decisions).

  The changes which have occurred leading to faster decisions on initial claims do not appear so far to have been matched by an equal speeding up of the appeals process. Making an initial decision quickly does not mean that the whole process is finished quickly, and no removal action can take place while appeals are outstanding. What is being done to speed up the appeal process? (Some of this may be Lord Chancellor's responsibility, but I believe some of the delays are failures in the Home Office to process papers for appeals).

  A major gap in the system at present is the complete lack of co-ordination between decision making and enforcement. It is quite common for asylum claimants to exhaust their rights of appeal and therefore reach the point at which support is cut off (if they have no children) but for nothing to then happen in terms of removal. Someone who is destitute, and surviving either on the charity of friends or by illegal working, is not going to make their own arrangements to leave. Indeed they may well be financially incapable of doing so even if they want to. In many cases they remain here for months or even years without any action being taken by the Home Office. (I saw two cases recently of people whose cases had reached the end of the line five years ago, including last ditch representations to Ministers by MPs which had been rejected, but nothing whatsoever had happened in the five years since). The lack of co-ordination between decision making and enforcement is a fundamental flaw in the whole system, and one on which the Home Office should be pressed.

  We should not be in a situation where we allow children to grow up in this country, with the family making community ties, in many cases making positive contributions to society through work, only to remove them to countries the children cannot even remember. The current Home Office concession generally allows families who have children who have lived here seven years or more to remain. I am not convinced that this is a reasonable rule. Any time limit will of course be arbitrary, but for young children even four or five years can be a very long time to be here. It is certainly long enough for families to see the potential for their children to have a much better education and long term future than they may face if returned to their country of origin. All the inefficiencies in the Home Office systems contribute to people quite genuinely becoming settled. Will the Home Office look again at this concession?

  The current incentives for voluntary return are minimal. There are welcome proposals to assist people who wish to return, and if these were developed (and better known) there might be more people willing to take the offers up. The Home Office should be pressed not just on the development of better voluntary return processes, but on how they will make these known to people who are affected and might take them up.

  Constraints do exist on removals to certain countries, either because the country concerned is still in a state of upheaval, or because the very fact that someone has left the country and claimed asylum could put them in danger if they are returned. It is often difficult to see what the timescales might be before it could be considered safe to resume returns. What is very unsatisfactory at present is the way in which people whose asylum claims have been refused are left in limbo. They are not told the reason no removal action is being taken, and simply receive a succession of temporary permissions to stay. In many cases they will then assume this means no action is ever going to be taken to remove them, but at the same time they are unable to obtain legal work or do anything useful with their time. There should be some sort of limit as to how long anyone is left in this situation. I can think of cases where someone has been in this position for two or three years, has in the meantime married and had a child, but as far as the Home Office in concerned is still just a failed asylum seeker awaiting removal at some unspecified time.

  Serving an appeal determination notice to someone at their home and expecting them to travel to a removal centre immediately, without giving them time to arrange their possessions, is certainly not humane and should only be used in cases where someone is failing to keep to reporting restrictions and prevents as an absconder.

  Generally however, applicants should only be detained at removal centres, in the days immediately prior to their removal. However, if a person is provided with removal directions and fails to attend, action should be taken to ensure that they are removed at the earliest opportunity. It does seem that at present, due to the huge concentration on issuing initial removal directions, such cases are not picked up for many weeks, often months. What procedures does the Home Office have to deal with people who fail to comply with directives to report for removal, and how many people do actually co-operate with such directives?

October 2002


 
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