Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 360 - 379)

TUESDAY 26 NOVEMBER 2002

LORD FALCONER OF THOROTON, QC, MS CECILIA FRENCH AND MR IAN CHISHOLM

  360. In two mode of trial bills that came forward and were dropped there were reckoned to be savings of £105 million in one case and £128 million in the other. How much money do you expect to save as a result?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) I do not think there is any saving of money that is envisaged by this because the trial will still take place. It will be a handful of cases in a year. It might be marginally shorter in some cases, but there is no material financial saving. Ian will correct me if that is not the case.
  (Mr Chisholm) We have made the assumption that it is a very small amount and it will create some more capacity in the courts because the trials will be a little shorter without a jury.
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Can I say, Mrs Dean, as both Roskill in his report and Lord Justice Auld in his report made clear, this is not remotely motivated by financial saving, it is about trying to make the jury system work better by recognising that there are a few cases where there are difficulties in relation to a jury trial and it is based upon the proposition that we regard jury trial as the norm in serious cases.

  Mrs Dean: Thank you.

Chairman

  361. Let us go over what types of cases we are talking about. We all agree that fraud cases take a very long time, do we not?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Yes.

  362. And cases where there is intimidation of juries also?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Yes. There are, in effect, four cases. Firstly, serious fraud and secondly, the lengthy and complex cases where the financial or commercial dealings are significant, that would be money laundering cases and perhaps drugs trafficking cases where it is all about the movement of money. Thirdly, those cases where the jury has been intimidated in the course of their trial and the judge can go on alone.

  363. Where they have actually been intimidated and not where someone expresses an opinion that they might be?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) The fourth category is where there is a risk of intimidation, so the material is placed before the judge and he has got to address the issue of whether the risk of intimidation is such here that the appropriate course is to proceed without a jury. That is the four categories.
  (Mr Chisholm) The other is where the defendant asks for a non-jury trial. Lord Justice Auld looked at the example of other common law jurisdictions, for example in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand where this occurred and thought it was a sensible thing to have. A good example is the Lockerbie trial where the Libyans would not have released the defendants without the Scots agreeing it would be a non-jury trial.

Mr Clappison

  364. I would like to explore the rationale for this a little bit more with you. Putting to one side the jury intimidation points and turning to the complexity point which you have made in your opening statement. You are not saying that there is evidence that people are getting away with it because juries do not understand the trials. We were told last week the Serious Fraud Office have got an 86 per cent conviction rate. Your case is it is all too much for the jury, is it not?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) No, my case is not it is all too much for the jury because, as I have said before, the jurors who are there deal with the issues conscientiously and effectively. What I am saying is if you have a case that is going to last in excess of ten months—and some cases last 18 months to two years—the pool from which you can draw the jurors has got to narrow significantly. Ian then made the point, which I thoroughly endorse, that that means you also have the problem that the prosecuting authorities in complex fraud or financial dealings cases will seek to try and compress the case and often omitting bits of the case in order to make the length of the trial digestible.

  365. Can I then direct your attention to clause 37 of the Bill which I think deals with the complex and lengthy trials and not the juror intimidation point and subsection (4), which is the grounds on which an application can be made by the prosecution for trial by judge alone. This goes much further, does it not, than the point which you have made to us about cases which are too long for the jury and place too much of a burden on them because it is not just those cases which are included in that clause that come under clause (4)(b), it is clause (4)(a) which covers a much wider category of cases, cases where the complexity of the trial "is likely to make the trial so burdensome to the members of the jury hearing the trial that it is necessary in the interests of justice for the trial to be conducted without a jury." So it is possible just for cases to be taken away from a jury because of the subjective view of the complexity of the trial and not necessarily the length of it, is it not?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) No, it is intended to be the length of the trial.

  366. It says complexity or length.
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) It is hard to imagine it being burdensome to members of the jury without the length issue applying.

  367. But that is clause (b), is it not, because clause (b) covers what you tell us about in your evidence and that is a case which "would be likely to place an excessive burden upon the life of a particular juror" and those are the two alternatives?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) It says "excessive burden" in (b) or "so burdensome to the members of the jury hearing the trial that it is necessary in the interests of justice for the trial . . .", so both refer to burden.

  368. But the second one refers specifically to the burden upon the life of the juror and the first one just says "so burdensome".
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) The first says "the members of a jury hearing the trial".
  (Mr Chisholm) The first point is meant to cover the cases that we both mentioned where the prosecution currently are having to cut down on the full extent of criminality to fit into a jury trial. If one reads (4)(a) along with subsections (6) and (7) you will see that the judge must have regard to reasonable steps to reduce complexity and length, but it is not to be regarded as reasonable if it will significantly disadvantage the prosecution, ie if the prosecution has to cut its case down.

  369. Can I say that that is a matter for the prosecution. On the wording of your clause it is possible for a trial to be taken away from the jury because the view is taken that it is so complex it would be burdensome to members of the jury irrespective of the question of length. That is possible under the wording of that clause.
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) No, I am not sure that is right. Look at (4)(a) and (4)(b), both refer to burden on the juror and look at the heading of it is that ". . . the complexity of the trial or the length of the trial (or both)—(a) . . .", so you need a burden.

  370. You need a burden, but the burden which is spelt out in (b) is the burden on the life of the jury and (b) is an alternative to (a).
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Paragraph (a) deals with the burden, the long time hearing and (b) what affect does the long time hearing have on the other life of the jury, that is the way it is dealt with.

  371. You do agree it is possible for politicians and lawyers to underestimate the ability of members of the public to understand cases, cases which lawyers and politicians may think of as being complicated?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) I am not saying it is a problem with understanding as far as the jury is concerned, it is the reduction of the pool from which you can select the jurors.

  372. Governments of all descriptions have had a go at chipping away at the jury system on various grounds, both the last government, the present government and governments before that, but there have been many cases in our history and in recent history as well where important decisions have been reached by a jury. Some of those might have fallen within the visions of this, ie they were regarded as being too complex for the jury and given over to the judges.
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) I have made it clear in the course of giving evidence today and on other occasions that we are seeking to uphold one of the principles of the justice system which is that serious crime should normally be tried by juries, but we are recognising and seeking to deal with those cases where there are problems in relation to jury trials. The sorts of cases we are talking about here involve a handful of cases, but it is people experienced in the jury system, like the authors of the reports to which I have referred who say there are real problems in relation to that because the essence of the jury system is the randomly selected 12 jurors.

  373. I am suggesting to you that the wording of this clause goes substantially beyond what you have been suggesting to us as the clause stands.
  (Mr Chisholm) If one reads the whole clause, I think not. What we envisage is the prosecution will make an application on the basis of the whole case for a non-jury trial and not just sample counts and then the judge will have to consider whether the case is so complex and the general manageability of it is such that the jury would be unable to deal with it because of its length if it was dealt with as a jury case. The second point is that it would also be burdensome upon the personal lives of the jurors.

  374. So the judge is being asked to form a view as to what he thinks would be too burdensome for the jury to understand?
  (Mr Chisholm) Not to understand, it is the manageability of the trial. You might lose many of the jury if a trial goes on for two years or whatever.

Chairman

  375. Supposing the defendant very strongly disagreed with the ruling given by the judge, is there any scope for appeal?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Yes, to the Court of Appeal.

  Chairman: Thank you for that.

Mr Clappison

  376. Many people feel that juries should be put more in the picture about previous convictions, but I think you would agree there are risks attached to that. Last week the Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association said this to us, "We are very concerned that it is going to be a rule where we will have convictions going in on a much wider basis which we feel could cause unfair trials and indeed miscarriages of justice, but of course the fact-finder will be deflected from the real issue in the case." Then he went on to give examples of, say, a burglary case where there was weak identification case but evidence of bad character on the part of the defendant and that the evidence of character might play too big a part in the final determination of the issues. What do you say to people who are worried about the effects on the fairness of trials of putting in character on a much more widespread basis than appears to take place at the moment?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) The risk of putting in evidence of bad character is to the fairness of the trial. The extent to which it might adversely affect the fairness of the trial will depend upon the particular facts in the particular case. So one can identify cases where it would form a line and where you should not put it in and you can identify cases where it should go in. The critical question is should it go in on the facts of a particular case. We cannot prescribe in this room or in an Act of Parliament precisely where fairness in an individual case lies, one ultimately has to trust the judges in that respect and that is what we have done in the Bill by saying that if the judge thinks that the admission of evidence would have such an adverse effect on the fairness of the proceedings that it should not go in then it does not go in and adverse effect on the fairness of the proceedings is the phrase used in the Bill. What is the current position? The current position is that there is huge uncertainty about what the position is as to when evidence goes in and when evidence does not go in. There is no principle of English law that says previous convictions do not go in. There is both uncertainty and a lack of confidence on the parts of lawyers and judges as to when they do go in because they are not quite sure what the law is. What we do in the Bill is basically specify the circumstances in which it is admissible, but in the majority of cases where there is the prospect of a fairness issue arising we give the court discretion as to whether or not they let it in. That seems to us to be a fair principle. It is fair for three reasons: (1) it makes it clear what the law is, (2) it seeks to get rid of the uncertainties that exist and (3) it means that the defendant will know where he stands.

  377. I think many people say it is fair to say that the present law is a little haphazard as far as character is concerned, although it has been in place for some considerable time.
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) What law? You say it has been in place for some considerable period of time but it changes constantly. For example, in the mid-1990s the House of Lords decided a case called DPP and P which said bad character should go in when relevant and then there was a widespread feeling in the Lords that that was then broadly ignored. The House of Lords had another shot at it in a case called Z in 2000. It has not been a static position.

  378. As with House of Lords common law, the position has been roughly the same since the Act of 1898, but that is what I was getting at when I said the way in which it has grown up was haphazard. You would agree that the Bill as drafted would allow character to go in on a more widespread basis than takes place at the moment? It does relax the rules.
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Yes, I agree with that.

  379. And particularly 84(1)(d) which says, ". . . it is evidence of the defendant's conviction for an offence of the same description, or of the same category, as the one with which he is charged." That evidence can go in more routinely than is the case at present?
  (Lord Falconer of Thoroton) Yes.


 
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