Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40-58)

17 JUNE 2003

MR SUMA CHAKRABARTI, MR MARK LOWCOCK AND MS SUSANNA MOOREHEAD

  Q40  Chris McCafferty: Creative accounting.

  Mr Lowcock: I would not quite want to have it described in that way. It is flexible financial management.

  Q41  Chris McCafferty: Given the increasing proportion of funds that are channelled to the big agencies, for instance Global Fund for AIDS, what is the Department doing to ensure that the smaller NGOs dealing with sexual and reproductive health do get grant funding and can make a contribution to nationally developed strategies?

  Mr Chakrabarti: I presume they can compete for the Civil Society Challenge Fund. Many of them do so. The figures that I have in front of me suggest that funding from that source for these NGOs has been increasing over the last few years from £0.38 million in 2001 to £1.67 million in 2002-03. There are signs there that they are doing quite well in that competition.

  Q42  Chris McCafferty: Some NGOs have made the point to us that they are not invited to negotiate for programme partnership agreements. Is that the case and, if so, why?

  Mr Lowcock: We are just going through the third round of applications for programme and partnership agreements. At the moment we have these agreements with about eight or ten agencies and we have said that this year we will negotiate them with another four or five. We had 39 applications for those four or five grants so I am afraid that it is the case that most people were disappointed. The thing I would draw attention to is that between the current financial year and the financial year after next our total funding available for centrally funded civil society schemes like the Civil Society Challenge Fund and the PPA is due to increase by about 30%. I am afraid it is also the case that we will still be unable to fund a lot of requests we get, but the overall funding is nevertheless increasing substantially.

  Q43  Chris McCafferty: The UK Gender and Development Network have raised the issue of how can you ensure that gender related development goals are interpreted more broadly than perhaps the programme suggests[6]. They are concerned that programmes for women's reproductive health and education are just being used as proxies for gender equality. Is there a way that you can ensure that those things are not the case?

  Mr Chakrabarti: I think we buy into the basic analysis in that report which we got last week. That is not surprising. This Committee will remember last year saying that we should do more evaluation and this is one of the evaluations that fed into this report. They have actually used our own analysis and data which is fine. We buy into that. The overall direct expenditure on gender equality has actually increased remarkably from £57 million in 1999-2000 to £167 million in 2001-02. However, as our own evaluation shows, I think there is some worry that we have that some of our country strategies and some of our delivery plans are not reflecting gender equality issues. I can name two very good examples, the China Country Strategy and the Asian one are excellent models of what others should be doing. We do need to go back and look at that. What we agreed when we found our evaluation came up with these results was that we would firstly complete the evaluation and see how bad this issue is. We do not think it is terrible, but there is clearly some loss of ground. Secondly, we would hire a gender and human rights adviser who would have this specific task of trying to ensure that we are mainstreaming properly. It is something we are committed to as an organisation for the way we work, it is certainly something we believe in in the Department as well. What I plan to do is copy the IDC the reply we will send to the Gender and Development Network. It will be an open process and you will see what our response is.

  Ms Moorehead: I think this is a case for the need for constant vigilance. It has been very useful to have it highlighted that we did not take our eye off the ball, but thought we had made rather more progress in gender than perhaps we have. That said, we are very aware in the Department that these rather unsatisfactory indicators are just that. They are the least awful ones we can find and we are fortunate in having one of the largest groups of gender analysts in our social development advisors of any bilateral organisation. More and more, what they are doing is not what might have been seen in the past as standard social development work, they are engaging in PRSP processes—that is an area where we are concerned that gender tends to become rather invisible—they are doing a lot of work in developing mechanisms for Poverty and Social Impact Analyses. How do you tell, before you do a macro-economic change, what the likely impact of that on women is going to be? As Suma said, we will have this cross-cutting advisor based at the centre in Policy Division whose job will be to make sure that country programme experience is feeding into central policy work and that all our teams, the team on agriculture, the team on trade, the team on poor performers, are taking adequate account of this issue. I think it feeds back to your earlier question on reproductive health. This is the key to good mainstreaming. It is not to think it is in the bloodstream and to forget about it, but to come back and evaluate regularly and if you are a little bit off track then correct it.

  Q44  Alistair Burt: Paragraph 3.44 of the Report states that, "Research has shown that investing in education for girls is one of the most effective ways of reducing poverty" and an argument is, Okay, if that is the case why do you not do more of it? And why do you not put many more resources into tackling education for women and girls as the answer?

  Ms Moorehead: I think the short answer is that we should. The slightly longer answer is that if you are a girl, particularly in South Asia in a very poor household, there are so many barriers to your accessing that education that even if there is a place there, your labour will be required to do other things. Our view is that we need to work on several fronts. We could put more money into education but we also need to put more money into issues of child labour, of removing non-income barriers to poverty, of supporting inter-generational transfers so that in due course educated mothers are much more likely to send their daughters to school. It is not just about money and education.

  Q45  Alistair Burt: Could this be done under the overall umbrella of ensuring that more women and girls are going into education? In dealing with the particular barriers and facts you mentioned, could it be explicitly stated and tied to targets and goals of achieving more girls and women into education?

  Mr Chakrabarti: Absolutely. I think we agree with you. Looking at our Public Service Agreement, for example the PSA objective for reducing poverty in Asia actually has in the indicator target if you like, "An increase in gross primary school enrolment from 95% to 100%, an increase in the ratio of girls to boys enrolled in primary schools from 87% to 94%". This is going to drive the Asia Director's delivery plan and one of the things he is going to have to try to deliver is exactly that and he will have to gear up his country programmes to do so. That is probably the best way to look at it. Yes, we should be doing more in this area. Clearly we, the international community, countries generally, but in the context of the MDGs and the PSA as a whole rather than setting up a separate sector fund or something like that, which would have been the old approach in trying to deal with this.

  Q46  Alistair Burt: Do you take a view on the efficacy of mass primary education as against fast-tracking certain women through to secondary, further and higher education in order to improve the ratio of women in senior positions in developing countries?

  Ms Moorehead: Our position so far has been to focus on primary education, but we are looking at the longer term implications of that. I think we need to get back to you on the details, but we certainly realise that universal primary education is really a first step.

  Q47  Alistair Burt: It just takes a long time and if you are to meet the points Christine was making about equality issues as opposed to raising the levels of the population as a whole, then fast-tracking in certain circumstances might be seen to be a potential answer.

  Mr Chakrabarti: It could be. We will be looking at this as part of our look generally at tertiary levels. I think from memory most of the research analysis tends to suggest that, for example, impact on the number of children women have, the major change can come through at least achieving primary education and getting into secondary. The additional tertiary education does not give you the same returns to the same extent. Primary and secondary education is really what we should be focussing on.

  Q48  Tony Worthington: Can I turn now to an issue which has concerned the Committee during the year. It came to a head in our southern Africa report and our visit to Malawi, and that is the issue of agriculture. I think there is a general feeling that a lot of emphasis has been put on areas like health and education—and absolutely legitimately so—but we seem to go to country after country with poor or almost non-existent ministries of agriculture, with no sense of an overall land strategy, with inadequate marketing of any goods that might go to export or to wider markets. All we seem to have is something called livelihoods. Do you not share that sense of concern? If we are going to end poverty, in almost all these countries income is raised off the land. Malawi is the most extreme; 85% of people working off the land are needing to live off the land and they do not have a land policy. All that there seems to be is maize. Diversification has not worked. Do you see the point I am getting at? There seems to be a gap in what DFID is doing.

  Mr Chakrabarti: We have to keep reminding ourselves that development is a collective effort so DFID should not be trying to do everything in every country. Notwithstanding that, what you say about agriculture I think we could ascribe to; agriculture is vital. Most poor people live in rural areas. Unless one improves agricultural economy one is not going to get the reductions in poverty that we are all seeking. In the last 20 years agricultural productivity—particularly in Africa—has been dropping whereas in the 60's and 70's at least in south Asia, it was rising. I gather that the numbers of hungry people in Africa have increased in the last 20 years. Some of that is due to conflict; some of that is due to adverse weather conditions; some it is also due to the very failed policies in agriculture that we, as donors, supported: state marketing boards and the like. Donors' involvement in agriculture has been both a boon and a bane; very good on the Green revolution, not so good on supporting the state involvement more generally, partly because most states in the past were getting into agriculture to subsidise the urban sector to get cheap food for the urban sector and that ruined agriculture in many of those countries. So what are we doing? I know the livelihoods jargon is off-putting but actually I think there is something there in it. The essential idea is to look at poor people in the round in terms of their needs in the rural sector. We obviously need to increase agricultural production where we can, where there is a comparative advantage in doing so. We also need to put in the inputs for other things like access to health and education in the rural sector; rural roads to make sure that agricultural goods get to market, which is often part of the problem. We need to do all of that and it is a much more holistic package. In the last year DFID has produced two documents which were essentially trying to influence the rest of the international community to do better than this, one for the World Food Summit—Tony Colman is not here today, but he was involved in that—and one for the WSSD event. Again, we are trying to say that actually we have to do something about agriculture—we, collectively—have to do something about agriculture in order to improve the rural livelihoods of these people. At the moment I think what we are trying to do is focus on trying to up the profile of agriculture in PRSPs. There has been some success. The latest return suggests that agriculture is getting more of a profile than it used to in the past. We are supporting some sensible investments in the rural setup like rural roads. We have been supporting agricultural research globally. We have also been pursuing this debate internationally. Fundamentally we have to remove agricultural subsidies. One of the reasons these agricultural ministries are empty and these sectors are not performing so well, is the subsidies that are going into agriculture in the west in the OECD countries which make it unprofitable.

  Q49  Tony Worthington: I accept that. We say abolish the CAP and I agree. But there seems to be an assumption that if you abolish the CAP then the people in southern Africa will get wealthy. That is not true. They still have to grow the food, export the food, deal with the problems of land depletion, deal with the dependence upon agri-business from elsewhere. That is the gap. What we are saying about livelihoods and so on we agree upon, but there is a dimension above that which is just not being adequately tackled.

  Mr Chakrabarti: If it is to do with the policies and institutions in countries, then yes, as part of the PRSP process what we are trying to do is to get the governments concerned to focus much more on sorting out—for the great day when the CAP is reformed—how they would get their agricultural sectors to perform better. That is partly to do with the inputs that go into the agricultural sector, marketing, land reform, all those sorts of things. The good PRSP would pick up on a lot of those angles; not all of them have done so, clearly. Our role is much more that sort of policy end, trying to influence governments to do that. It is much less to do with the approach we used to have 20 years ago which would be financing extensions and those sorts of things.

  Ms Moorehead: As Suma says, the main thrust is to try to work at changing government policy, but we are still doing a lot for small farmers. In Malawi the starter pack programme is reaching two million small holders with fertiliser and seeds and we are getting to the stage now where we can actually measure the impact that that is having on their income. In this, let us not forget Asia. Two hundred and thirty million of the 819 million hungry in the world live in India, others in Bangladesh. We have new programme in the areas of Bangladesh which are under water for half the year. We are investing £50 million over seven years that will help eight million farmers. That is old style agricultural extension but in areas which were never touched before because they were so marginal. I think the difference now is that instead of those being freestanding successes—which is what we used to have—we all have the mechanisms to feed those in to a wider policy dialogue. There is this iteration between the macro and the micro level. Inevitably there is a long way to go. As Suma said earlier about the PRSP process, the glass is still only half full. One of the challenges over the next few years is to join up what is happening to poor people on the ground and the macro environment.

  Q50  Tony Worthington: I think what I am seeking from you is an assurance that you recognise that there is a considerable gap there. I went to see the High Commissioner of Malawi the other week about our report and he said that we had got it absolutely right on agriculture.

  Mr Chakrabarti: We fundamentally agree with your observation to such an extent that we have just created a new agricultural team which we have not had for years in our policy division. One of their first tasks is to follow up this approach to see if we can do better.

  Mr Lowcock: The organisation has had a historical strength in agriculture and we continue to have a large number of really excellent people working on these issues. In the financial year 2001-02 we spent more on agriculture and related areas than we did on education, so we are very alive to the importance of this sector. A lot of the things we are doing are not through ministries of agriculture, often because the constraints of agricultural development are not ones best addressed by ministries of agriculture. They are the ones you have talked about, rural finance or regulation or infrastructure.

  Q51  Mr Walter: I wonder if I can just focus on water for a moment. We have had the G8 summit recently in Evian—a very appropriate place to talk about water—which reaffirmed that the G8 Action Plan and the commitment are on improved sanitation and access to potable water. However, if you look at our own ODA budget the amount spent on water and sanitation has been going down and is currently about 2%. It has been falling since 1998. How are you at DFID looking to address this in light of the commitments to prioritise water and sanitation which the UK Government has made at various summits?

  Mr Chakrabarti: Water is clearly crucial to poverty reduction. Our bilateral expenditure has been around the £90 million mark over the last few years; I do not think it has actually been falling that much. That does not include what we contribute multilaterally as well. There was a very good NAO report on this some months back and I gave evidence to the PAC on this. It said essentially that DFID was doing excellent work in the water sector, largely at the policy end. We no longer work at the infrastructure end; that is left to some of the donors who are better at that and it is a comparative advantage. We are respected much more at the policy end which does not require a lot of spending but does require trying to change policies of governments to take water more seriously, both demand and supply, and to involve the private sector much more than they have done in the past. We have now concentrated our water efforts in a few countries only. The key thing again is to try to get many more of these PRSPs to take water more seriously. It is not surprising, perhaps, in one or two cases that they have not given priority to water, which then gets reflected in donor priorities. This is partly because they have seen health and education as an earlier priority, if you like. It is quite interesting that in India and Uganda—two countries where we have worked in the water sector—they have given water a much higher priority. In a sense they feel they have made sufficient progress with some of their more basic requirements. Water is a fundamental input into achieving health outcomes. We cannot achieve some of the outcomes we have talked about without achieving good access to water and sanitation. That is the way we have now pitched this in our new PSA, so you will see this in delivery plans for Africa or Asia, that doing work in the water sector is a way of achieving some of the health outcomes that we talked about. That is the way we are going to try to work at it.

  Q52  Mr Walter: This may be the question that you were not looking for, but I have looked at your Annual Report and I see the foreword is by Baroness Amos but signed by Clare Short. If you look at the flow chart at the back—the organisational chart—the name Sally Keeble appears but not Hilary Benn. It is alleged that you spent about £30,000 pulping one version of the report and then reproducing another one. Is that true? Do you have an explanation for it?

  Mr Chakrabarti: We spent £29,300 precisely.

  Q53  Mr Walter: Did Clare write it and Valerie head it or was it the other way round?

  Mr Chakrabarti: No, this is a different foreword from the one that Clare Short had. The argument that we put—and Valerie accepted—was the following: firstly that this was a forward looking document as much as a backward looking document. Not as forward looking as Mr Bayley quite rightly says, but it should be. We were trying to set out a strategy here as well. It is our flagship document. It is not as if a Permanent Secretary had resigned so you could have an erratum slip. It is clearly an important thing when your Secretary of State goes before you have presented it to Parliament. Fundamentally, I think the crucial argument for why Valerie had to write the foreword and sign it before we put it to Parliament is the noise that had been around about Clare's resignation, internally and externally. Internally staff were very concerned about the mission, about whether the clarity of the mission since 1997 would be eroded, whether we would start taking political and commercial benefits into account. Similarly, externally whether there were other donors or NGOs with similar concerns. In a sense people were worried about DFID's reputation. Valerie felt very strongly that she wanted to say on day two that she was sticking to the policies, she was sticking to the clarity of mission and that is what she says. She says the two White Papers still guide her approach. It was quite important from that point of view as well.

  Q54  Mr Walter: But she did not manage to sign it.

  Mr Chakrabarti: She did.

  Q55  Mr Walter: My copy says Clare Short.

  Mr Chakrabarti: Mine says Valerie Amos

  Q56  Chris McCafferty: Some copies say Clare Short and some copies say Valerie Amos.

  Mr Chakrabarti: How strange.

  Q57  Mr Walter: Foreword by Valerie Amos, signed by Clare Short.

  Mr Chakrabarti: I am sorry about that.

  Q58  Tony Worthington: Can I thank you and your team very, very much for answering our questions. I hope you find the questions that we ask valuable to you because we do spend a lot of time looking at the work of the Department. Can I, on behalf of the Committee, thank you and your Department for the co-operation, assistance and guidance which we get throughout the year. This is the time when we can express those thanks.

  Mr Chakrabarti: Thank you very much. We also benefit from appearing here.





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