Select Committee on International Development Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by World Vision

INTRODUCTION

Who is World Vision?

  World Vision is one of the world's leading development and humanitarian assistance agencies, working in nearly 90 countries, last year helping 85 people million in their struggle against poverty, hunger and injustice.

What does World Vision do?

  World Vision's work is based on both a long term commitment to help poorer communities through development programmes and the provision of relief in the immediate aftermath of disasters.

  World Vision's long term programmes are community-based, sustainable and aimed at delivering transformational development through improving health care, agricultural production, water projects, education and micro-enterprise development. One of the main roles that World Vision play is helping to strengthen civil society within communities through making them a stakeholder in their own development.

  World Vision also responds to specific crises such as the famines in Ethiopia and North Korea, floods in Mozambique, hurricanes in Central America, earthquakes in India and El Salvador and war refugees in Kosovo, Chechyna, Sierra Leone, Angola and East Timor. We are currently working to provide humanitarian aid in the recent food crisis in Southern Africa.

EVIDENCE TO THE SELECT COMMITTEE

  World Vision's evidence is detailed around two main issues relating to the 2003 report:

    —  Use of Direct Budget Support

    —  DFID policy on Poverty Reduction Strategies

DIRECT BUDGETARY SUPPORT

  (i)  World Vision commends Direct Budgetary Support for moving away from donor conditionality. However World Vision is concerned that the expected outcomes relate only to government systems and the way governments work with donors. Civil society organisations are not included in the planning or implementation within the "multi-stakeholder club" that has been set up to implement the poverty reduction strategies. This causes gaps within the policy dialogue and the implementation of strategies.

  (ii)  Direct Budget Support can fail to address the critical issue of resource allocation based on wrong sectoral priorities. This policy can lead to contractual arrangements, which are formed in order to support political aims rather than genuine participatory poverty assessment priorities. The result of this can be a shift of resources away from the most vulnerable even when they are referred to in the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). Some governments allocate more funding to both Defence and the Office of the President than to Education and Health departments.

  (iii)  NGOs in many countries are tasked with the role of providing essential services and goods for the vulnerable populations due to the lack of capacity of governments to address all critical social development issues. DFID's strategy for addressing this issue has traditionally been through the support of civil society and NGOs. However, now that DFID is moving towards country assistance plans based on the Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRS) of governments, the role of civil society organisations has become less clear.

  An example of this is DFID's country assistant plan for Ethiopia, DFID is committed to providing Direct Budget Support yet has little conception of the role of civil society in bolstering the Ethiopian government's capacity to deliver its PRS. DFID have also not outlined how they expect civil society to monitor the use of DBS towards PRS. For example: "work is underway to clarify the mechanisms for institutionalising participation by NGOs, civil society and the private sector, which were not set out in detail in the SDPRP." (p9 DFID's Ethiopia CAP Section 34) "The Government (Ethiopian) will need to clarify how to address the substantial capacity building needs for monitoring and evaluation, especially at Woreda level, how civil society will participate in monitoring and evaluation, and how donors can support these processes." (p9 section 38). In this instance neglecting to fully address the correct sequencing or providing its support to both the Government and civil society in Ethiopia can undermine the role of civil society in the process.

POVERTY REDUCTION STRATEGIES

  In DFID's annual report, the Department encourages national governments to arrive at national poverty reduction priorities together with their citizens, including civil society and business stakeholders through an inclusive consultation process. However, this approach does not accurately reflect the situation in most countries of the developing world, where partner governments often do not have the mechanism nor the political will to adopt a more inclusive involvement of civil society or wider stakeholders in the process. Consequently, this framework for poverty reduction, although internationally agreed by donors, underplays the important role of civil society. This results in the exclusion of the voices of the poor that these organisations represent in the process.

POLITICISATION

  Moreover, where consultation does occur, it is our experience that due to the politicisation of this process civil society organisations are invited to the consultation at the discretion of the Government. Civil society organisations strive to create good relationships with government officials but this can also put organisations in the position damaging their independent accountability. World Vision Uganda for instance has observed that this process is unjust. "Consequently, the invited Civil Society Organisations see this as a privilege and tend to play `politics of presence' as opposed to `politics of influence'." (Simpson, Programme Manager, World Vision, Uganda).

  This is further observed in the results of the research that Community Development Resource Network did in collaboration with Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex in Uganda on poverty knowledge and policy process. The report shows a number of gaps in both the development and implementation of PRSP. The Ugandan Government involved a number of civil society organisations. However participation in the consultation process was through invitation only. It was found that through this process those agencies that have been involved have played a passive role rather than an active role in policy implementation and accountability.

  (Poverty Knowledge and Policy Processes, a case study of Ugandan national poverty reduction policy. Karen Brock, Rosemary McGee and Richard Ssewakiryanga, August 2002. pvii)

RECOMMENDATIONS

  Civil society organisations should be instrumental in the policy dialogue and implementation of poverty reduction strategies and methods.

  NGOs provide a comparative advantage of grassroots work with the poor and understanding of their issues and the ability to bring their voices into the policy dialogue.

  Civil society have an important role in evaluating projects on the ground and fulfilling the role of government watchdogs to ensure money is being spent in the most effective way to reduce poverty and provide a sustainable future.

  Civil society organisations partner with governments to ensure that effective development is delivered.

  The role of civil society should not be underestimated or ignored within this process of defining PRSs and their implementation. Therefore capacity building within civil society organisations is vital to achieve sustainable and effective development.

  Following the consultation it is essential that the civil society be engaged in implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the poverty reduction strategy. This requires acknowledging the place of civil society in development and allowing civil society access to funds.

  DFID need to evaluate the process and facilitation of non-state actors involvement, and develop a transparent mechanism with government and civil society to address the issues of transparency and PRS. PRSPs attempted to do this but they were static mechanisms and what is needed is a dynamic forum.

10 June 2003


 
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