Select Committee on International Development Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Christian Aid

AFGHANISTAN: FROM HUMANITARIAN RELIEF TOWARDS RECONSTRUCTION

INTRODUCTION

  Christian Aid welcomes the opportunity to present evidence to the International Development Select Committee. Christian Aid is the official development agency of 40 churches in Britain and Ireland. In 1986 it began working with Afghan partner organisations in north west Pakistan who were implementing cross-border development projects in Afghanistan. It has worked directly with partner organisations within Afghanistan since 1993 and opened a field office in Herat in western Afghanistan in 1997. It has recently opened a sub-office in Kabul.

  Christian Aid's Afghan partner organisations currently have 25 programmes operating in the provinces of Herat, Ghor, Badghis, Farah and Faryab—some of the poorest regions of Afghanistan (please see over for map). Since August 2001, Christian Aid programmes have directly assisted over 500,000 people in western Afghanistan in relief, emergency and development activities. Christian Aid's DFID-funded programme for food assistance to vulnerable families in Ghor (which provided food packs to 200,000 people) and the EC-funded Sustainable Rural Livelihoods Programme in Ghor and Badghis (which prioritises health, agricultural inputs, employment and improved access through road reconstruction,) are examples of these humanitarian and development activities.

SUMMARY

  The main issues facing the people of Afghanistan are the need for peace, meeting life's basic needs and making a sustainable living. It is vital that Afghans at all levels are involved in developing and implementing the strategies that will meet these needs.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR ACTION BY THE UK GOVERNMENT:

Food Security

  1.  The UK Government should, as a matter of urgency, use its influence and financial assistance to ensure that vital food aid is provided and in place to avoid acute food shortages in some areas of Afghanistan during the coming winter. The World Food Programme (WFP) has stated that 5.8 million Afghans are highly vulnerable, and that it will have a shortfall of 80,000 tonnes of food for the months of November and December alone. The provision of seeds, livestock and other inputs for spring planting should also be made a priority, to help guarantee that next year's harvest is adequate for the provision of food to the region.

  2.  At the same time, the UK Government should work with the WFP, ICRC, international agencies and NGOs in order to ensure that supplies of wheat and other staples:

    —  are specifically targeted at only the most vulnerable regions;

    —  are not over-extended to areas where local agricultural production is already recovering to sustainable levels; and

    —  do not flood local markets and depress the price of staple foods to a level which harms the recovery of the local agricultural economy.

Funding for immediate post-emergency Rehabilitation and Reconstruction

  3.  The UK Government should use its influence to ensure that donor countries honour the pledges that they made in Bonn, Tokyo and other conferences. Christian Aid's partner organisations report a growing feeling in Afghanistan that the international community has failed the country over the past year, and fear that this will contribute to renewed instability. While the UK and the US have honoured the vast majority of their pledged support, other countries have signally failed to do so. Of the $1.8 billion pledged for this fiscal year alone, only $1 billion has so far been received.

  4.  The UK Government should actively support an increase in contributions from the international community by a further $300 million for 2002-03 and should increase its own contributions to the Transitional Government of Afghanistan (TGA) accordingly.

  5.  Whilst the international donor community has pledged $4.5 billion over the next five years to Afghanistan, it is now widely agreed by financial and humanitarian experts that aid in excess of $10 billion over the next five years is a much more realistic figure[11]. The UK Government should therefore influence the international community to make by the end of the financial year further commitments to bring the five-year fund to at least $10 billion. This will mean that :

    —  Afghans can meet their food needs, even in the context of systemic drought.

    —  Afghans have viable economic alternatives to soldiering and drug production.

    —  The basic infrastructure for national economic development is provided.

  Long term commitment to Afghanistan should be reinforced with commitments in principle for the next 10-15 years

Security

  6.  The UK Government should openly and transparently reconsider its position on the expansion of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mandate and to ensure that efforts are made to stabilise the whole of Afghanistan through an expanded ISAF force and not merely Kabul and its immediate hinterland.

Support for the Transitional Government of Afghanistan

  7.  The UK Government should make support of the TGA a higher priority, to enable the TGA to plan, co-ordinate and monitor the humanitarian, reconstruction and development effort. A recent report from the TGA states that, of all the international funds pledged or delivered, only $90 million has been given directly to the government. The TGA now estimates that it will have a shortfall of $1 million per day for the rest of the current fiscal year—even for its current, limited operations. If Afghanistan is to continue to develop towards a stable, functioning state, and the hopes of the Afghan people are not to be disappointed yet again, then the international community must help that state and its emerging structures gain greater self-determination. Even if this requires an act of faith.

Work through Afghans

  8.  The UK Government should insist on and promote implementation of activities through local resources and demand the involvement of all Afghans (especially women and poor people) in planning, monitoring and judging success, through the use of village councils for example. There should be a long term, international commitment to build the local capacity of Afghanistan to manage the development of the country at the national and regional levels.

  9.  The UK Government should encourage other members of the international community to insist on a local dimension to planning and implementation and in particular local enterprises, local NGOs and government structures should be used to implement projects. The UK Government should use its influence to ensure that the aid effort is co-ordinated through the TGA and that funding is channelled through it.

Co-ordination between donors, NGOs and the TGA

  10.  National-scale projects cannot be conducted by the UN, NGOs or the TGA alone. Coordination by the national government is therefore essential. Christian Aid's partners have requested that there should be strong coordinating mechanisms between these three limbs. The different policies and approaches of NGOs and the loss of government capacity and control during the last two decades of conflict have resulted in limited co-ordination abilities.

  11.  The UK Government should apply pressure to the international community and use its own technological resources for the building of the TGA's capacity immediately, if it wishes to ensure the TGA is capable of fulfilling its mandate to the Afghan people.

CONTEXT

  1.1  Two themes dominate the recent history of Afghanistan. One is the depth and extent of poverty, in terms of people living in poverty (in rural areas income can be less than $0.30 per day), high maternal and infant mortality rates (1.7 per cent and 25 per cent respectively), high illiteracy rates (64 per cent average), low access to health (30 per cent) and schooling (39 per cent for primary school boys and only 3 per cent for primary school girls), lack of legally raised revenues and high unemployment[12]. In short, Afghanistan remains one of the poorest countries in the world.

  1.2  The second dominant theme is war and conflict. Conflict and poverty are intricately linked. Afghanistan cannot achieve sustainable development without the resolution of conflict, while instability feeds on social and economic injustice. Moreover, while conflict continues it is essential that development and poverty-eradicating initiatives are always analysed within the framework of conflict. It is possible that well-meaning development initiatives may contribute to deepening conflict or contribute to its continuation. The direction taken by the US and the UK Governments will be central. The general view among Afghans is that the role that the US and its Western allies played in overthrowing the Taliban has been beneficial. However there is concern that as their main focus is the war on terrorism, there is a real risk that they will reduce their engagement and de-prioritise Afghanistan before the country's long-term peace and security has been assured. It is important therefore that the UK gives a clear lead by supporting initiatives which build peace, meet basic needs and promote sustainable livelihoods, and that it does this in consultation with local people and by making maximum use of local resources.

  1.3  Many states and donors pledged funds in Tokyo, yet few have delivered on these pledges in their entirety by disbursing funds to the Transitional Government of Afghanistan (TGA). For example, Japan pledged US $250 million but to date has only delivered on 40.8 per cent of this figure, Germany pledged US $75 million but has only delivered 60 per cent of this and the Asian Development Bank pledged US $50 million and has delivered none of it, to date.

  1.4  There is recognition from many Afghans that external financial, technological, logistical and physical support remains vital for the success of the future of Afghanistan. Long-term commitment by the international community is essential for the survival of Afghanistan.

WHAT ARE THE ONGOING HUMANITARIAN NEEDS, HOW ADEQUATELY ARE THEY BEING ADDRESSED AND FOR HOW LONG WILL HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE BE REQUIRED?

  2.1  Christian Aid believes that the most important issue is a long term focus on food security, building household economies and ensuring that the voices of ordinary Afghans are heard in determining the country's development needs. However, we also acknowledge the pressing need for short term, humanitarian assistance. Christian Aid considers that there are three key areas of humanitarian assistance that need to be met. These are:

    —  Provision of Food Aid.

    —  Support for the return of refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).

    —  Provision of access.

  The longer term needs and requirements are:

    —  Food Security and associated agricultural production.

    —  Reintegration of refugees and IDPs.

    —  Transport infrastructure.

Short-term needs: Food Aid

  2.2  The most immediate humanitarian need in Afghanistan is for targeted, short-term food aid. The World Food Programme (WFP) recently stated that there are 5.8 million[13] vulnerable people in Afghanistan; in November 2001, this figure was 5.1 million. This rise in vulnerable people is largely due to the rapid and higher than expected return home of over 2 million refugees and IDPs.

  2.3  According to latest figures from the WFP[14], there is a shortfall in funding of some $64.1 million or 23 per cent of their requirements for this year. As a result, the WFP has announced that it is short of 80,000mt of food for the months of November and December alone.

  2.4  Unless this gap is bridged urgently, the WFP will face breaks in its food pipeline from October 2002 onwards. It has also confirmed that cereals will be unavailable after December 2002[15].

  2.5  WFP has identified the most vulnerable areas for food security as Ghor, Badghis and Faryab provinces (where Christian Aid works) and the province of Badakshan. In these provinces, a significant part of the population remains reliant on food aid.

  2.6  Afghanistan has experienced a comparatively successful harvest in 2002. The WFP have stated that the overall agricultural production for Afghanistan is 82 per cent above its yield on last year's drought affected crop[16]. This represents a yield of about 8 per cent down on 1998 harvest, which is considered to be the last "average" harvest. The improvement is far from uniform however, and varies between highland, rainfed land and lowland irrigated areas. In those highland areas where Christian Aid operates, our partners have suggested that the agricultural yield for 2002 is only 30 per cent above the 2001 harvest and well short of the levels necessary to sustain the whole population.

  2.7  These limited improvements on the 2002 crop are insufficient to provide adequate amounts of foodstuffs because:

    —  only 60 per cent of annual food requirements have been produced locally;

    —  the agricultural improvement must be seen in the context of extreme drought over the past four years. This drought had already exhausted Afghanistan's coping mechanisms; people have spent their reserve savings, run down their asset base by selling livestock and valuables and sent family members away, sometimes abroad, in search of paid employment; and

    —  according to some of Christian Aid's partners, there had already been a gradual deterioration of agricultural sustainability over the last 30 year period; the ground water table has fallen and declining yields have meant that less seed has been available for planting.

  Therefore, whilst Christian Aid acknowledges that the 2002 harvest is a positive sign of improvement, there remains a significant shortfall against food needs over the coming winter in certain locations (referred to in point 2.5 above) and large sections of the population remain vulnerable to the cyclical and systematic drought conditions that have characterised recent decades (see below).

  2.8  Any food deficit must be:

    —  met by adequate and accurate targeting of Afghan people's requirements;

    —  addressed either by the pre-positioning of food stocks in forward locations before the winter months make high altitude areas such as Ghor Province inaccessible, or alternatively by keeping key roads and passes open throughout the winter; and

    —  followed up with provision of seeds, livestock and other inputs for spring planting, to help guarantee that next year's harvest is adequate for the provision of food to the region.

Long term needs: Food Security and cautionary note on extent of food aid

  2.9  Any emergency food aid for this winter must not adversely affect local agricultural recovery. Christian Aid's partners have suggested that there is a tendency for wheat to be stockpiled and that there are over-extended humanitarian food distributions in areas of agricultural recovery. Such distribution has a direct and negative impact on the sale of wheat by local farmers. Local markets can be suppressed where local people are accessing free wheat distributions. Doling out of free food in this way is short-sighted. A longer term approach is needed to ensure that Afghans do not become dependent on overseas food aid and instead begin to sustain themselves through producing and marketing food themselves. What is more the collapse of the local food economy would increase the risk of individual farmers choosing to grow poppy rather than wheat. Christian Aid believes strongly that Afghanistan will best be served by developing a strong, healthy and self-sustaining agricultural economy based on food production.

  2.10  A balance must therefore be struck by the WFP and other agencies between the provision of food aid (ensuring that it is received by only the most vulnerable people in Afghanistan and that dependency on food aid is not encouraged) and the encouragement of local trade and agricultural sustainability.

Short term needs: Refugees and IDPs

  2.11  The return of refugees and IDPs has placed a heavy burden on local provinces. USAID figures show the return of refugees since January 2002 at two million and a further 850,000 IDPs still displaced[17]. Refugees and IDPs were encouraged to return home on the basis that food would be provided for them. WFP shortfalls have meant that in many cases this provision has not been effected. There is a real risk that some areas may not be able to support the numbers that have returned.

  2.12  The UNHCR is underfunded for this current year by $47 million, which compounds and hampers the extent and efficiency of its work.

  2.13  There are concerns that unless adequate assistance for refugees and IDPs is provided by the start of the winter months (ie by the beginning of November) major cities (such as Herat, Mazar, Jalalabad) will witness a new influx of people to IDP camps. This will include those groups of IDPs that returned to their villages in spring 2002 but who were unable to sustain themselves due to harvest failure and lack of proper reintegration assistance.

  2.14  In addition there are about 400,000 Kuchi people (tribal nomads) who are either living as IDPs in the camps or who are scattered in different villages along the borders of Pakistan with Helmand, Kandahar, and Zabul Provinces.

  2.15  Christian Aid remains concerned that these Kuchi people, many of whom face ethnic discrimination on their traditional grazing circuits, will be forced back into (or be forced to remain longer at) the IDP camps in the main cities, thus exacerbating the existing displacement problem.

  2.16  Those Kuchis living around villages face not only the same problems as settled villagers in relation to food aid and security referred to above (paragraphs 2-10), but also additional problems of ethnic discrimination, exhaustion of coping mechanisms (particularly the loss of their livestock) and the loss of access to their traditional pasture land. As a result, the Kuchis are likely to face the brunt of the already poor food resources in villages.

  2.17  With refugees returning in thousands to the major cities the question of providing adequate shelter for them is becoming vital. Most of the returnees live in semi-destroyed public buildings or abandoned houses that lack roofs, doors and windows for protection against the elements. These people need provision of food, shelter and heating during the winter.

Short term needs: Access

  2.18  If access roads to some major towns and villages in the central highlands, North-west, and North-eastern parts of the country are not kept open during this coming winter, about three to four million people will be cut off from outside assistance.

  2.19  Some two to three million people in the most remote regions (of which approximately 500,000 live in those areas where Christian Aid operates), are already suffering from or are extremely susceptible to food shortage and are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance.

  2.20  The UK Government should urge the UN Assistance Mission to Afghanistan (UNAMA) to co-ordinate an operation that guarantees that the remotest parts of Afghanistan have access to emergency assistance.

Long term needs: transport infrastructure

  2.21  The international community has proposed that one of the main planks of the reconstruction effort should be the construction of transport links between major cities and towns. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Japan were nominated to take the lead in this. But to date no works have been commenced and only limited consultation has taken place with groups representing the interests of local people.

  2.22  The US Government has also recently pledged funds US $80 million for the purpose of building transport links to major cities[18]. However, even with this and the earlier Japanese and ADB commitments, only half of the Herat-Kabul road will be completed, let alone any of the other transport infrastructure in Afghanistan[19]. With more than 4,000 kilometres of primary highway still in need of repair (not to mention the 18,000 kilometres of secondary and feeder roads), significant funding (some US $880 million on current funding calculations) will be required for the reconstruction of these main access roads.[20]

  2.23  The UK Government should therefore use its influence with the donor community to ensure that a quick and effective programme is conducted for the implementation of a comprehensive system of road networks, which is suitable for the needs of Afghan people and prepared in concert with them.

Reasons for the continuation of the short term, humanitarian situation

  2.24  Emergency humanitarian assistance efforts will be necessary on a targeted basis for another year. The need for further assistance after that will depend on whether next year's harvest will be adequate to sustain the population. That in turn will depend on rural communities having access to land, having the inputs (seeds, traction and stock) they need as well as the volume of next year's rains. If these needs are not met, then carefully targeted humanitarian aid will continue to be required in the future. And there are parts of the country where, for decades, rainfall has been consistently inadequate. The eventual solution to food shortage in such places will involve long-term development of farming methods and irrigation systems and successful diversification of the household economies away from dependence on cereal cultivation.

ARE HUMANITARIAN NEEDS AND RECONSTRUCTION EFFORTS ADEQUATELY RESOURCED?

    "To the Afghan people we make this commitment. The conflict will not be the end. We will not walk away as the outside world has done so many times before"—Tony Blair, 2 October 2001

    "We would like to remind our friends that the majority of the pledges made to Afghanistan in the Tokyo Conference are still unfulfilled"—Hamid Karzai, Speech to the UNGA, 12 September 2002

Funding and Resourcing Humanitarian Needs

  3.1  The effectiveness of the WFP and UNHCR programmes have been compromised due to shortfalls in funding by the international community. The UK Government has honoured 75 per cent of its pledge to these programmes and the US State Department has honoured 95 per cent of its pledge. However a number of major donor countries have failed to honour their commitments. Christian Aid would refer to the British Agencies in Afghanistan Group's (BAAG's) Submission on this point detailing the amounts of these shortfalls.

  3.2  As indicated above, funding for the humanitarian needs falls short of the required amounts for this year. Without the funding for these requirements being met, it is clear that people in Afghanistan will once again endure extended and unnecessary suffering.

  3.3  75 per cent of the UK Government's pledges (£63.75 million) made at the Tokyo Conference have been disbursed. The majority of this has been used for humanitarian assistance.

Recommendation

  3.4  Christian Aid believes that the UK Government should release the remainder of its pledged funding for this year and apply pressure on the international community to ensure that those countries deliver the monies that they have pledged at Tokyo to the TGA immediately.

Funding and Resourcing Long Term Reconstruction Needs

  3.5  Weaknesses in the international community's approach to Afghanistan's reconstruction can be seen in that:

    —  financial and humanitarian experts indicate that at least $10 billion is required over the next five years in order to give Afghanistan a real chance of reconstruction. Only $4.5 billion was pledged in Tokyo;

    —  the monies pledged by the international community amount to only $75 per person in Afghanistan for 2002 and only $42 per person over the next five years. In the Bosnian conflict, the aid per person amounted to $326, in Kosovo aid amounted to $288 per person and in East Timor it amounted to $195 per person.

  3.6  The Afghan Finance Minister, Ashraf Ghani recently confirmed that of the $1.8 billion pledged at the Tokyo Conference in April for the fiscal year 2002-03, only $1 billion (or 55 per cent of the total monies pledged) has been received to date[21]. The vast majority of this has been given directly to international agencies and has been spent on meeting humanitarian needs. Little has been spent on reconstruction and rebuilding. Whilst this aid has been valuable, it treats the symptoms and not the structural causes of poverty. In a recent briefing paper by the TGA[22], it was noted that there is an urgent need for donors to turn Tokyo pledges into cash for reconstruction activities.

  3.7  Mukesh Kapila, special adviser to Lakhdar Brahimi (Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General to Afghanistan), recently indicated that the TGA will require a further $300 million (over and above those monies pledged by the international community) for this year alone in order to commence reconstruction works[23]. The money pledged at Tokyo is insufficient to cover the costs for this year alone and the UK Government should therefore be taking a lead by increasing its assistance pledges and pressuring other donors to do the same.

  3.8  The donor community must be encouraged to contribute their pledges in a co-ordinated effort, to build the capacity of the TGA. The TGA is likely to be undermined the more donors promote individual aid projects or give money directly to international agencies without sufficient consultation with the TGA. Prior consultation will also ensure that there are nationally co-ordinated programmes in health, education, agriculture, transport etc. It is also important that the processes of the TGA are seen to be transparent and accountable.

  3.9  Agencies such as DFID can play a vital role in developing the economy and the TGA. They can do this by working with central and provincial government to ensure that transparent and accountable mechanisms are put in place so that management of reconstruction and development projects at regional, provincial and district levels can be delegated to provincial governments.

  3.10  Even after the Loya Jirga, many donors released resources for the direct implementation of programmes by NGOs and the UN agencies. This trend has created a certain degree of mistrust between the government and aid agencies making co-ordination even more difficult.

  3.11  It is also very important for the international community to ensure that their commitment to the reconstruction of Afghanistan is long term. Christian Aid's partners fear that the eyes of the world have moved from Afghanistan to Iraq, that pledges are not being met and longer term promises will be broken. Our partner's concerns are perhaps understandable, as Afghanistan has a long and rueful experience of the self-interested involvement of neighbouring states and world powers in their affairs.

Recommendation

  3.12  The UK Government should ensure that:

    —  International donors agencies deliver on and double their five-year pledges to Afghanistan in order to address the reconstruction and development requirements.

    —  Long term commitment to Afghanistan is reinforced with commitments in principle for the next 10-15 years.

    —  Humanitarian, reconstruction and long-term development efforts are co-ordinated by Afghan bodies.

    —  There is a long term, international commitment to build the local capacity of Afghanistan to manage the development of the country at the national and regional levels.

Effect of Reconstruction Funding Requirements Not Being Met

  3.13  Should the international community's pledges not be honoured (and honoured soon), the TGA may either be forced to finance its operating budget by taking out loans (to which it has publicly stated its opposition) or the TGA may simply not do the reconstruction works required.

  3.14  The TGA has said that it would be impossible to explain to the Afghan people why loans were necessary when so much was pledged to Afghanistan at Tokyo[24]. A very well respected authority on Afghanistan, Ahmed Rashid, recently commented that "the international community has failed Afghanistan over the past one year. The pledges and promises made at the Bonn Conference have not been fulfilled. Afghans themselves feel very let down"[25].

  3.15  The TGA must reach a position soon where it is able to deliver essential services to its people. Otherwise it will not only lose the fragile popularity that it now enjoys, but will also be in a weaker position in relation to the regional powerholders, thus making the country once more prone to civil war and conflict. This was highlighted most recently by Mukesh Kapila, who said, "There should be no complacency. Afghanistan is a pivot of stability in the region, but could easily revert to war and instability if donor countries do not stay involved in its reconstruction"[26].

  3.16  Christian Aid believes that the issues of funding and security are interdependent. The international community is nervous of committing resources to a fragile new state and administration that does not fully control its territories. Yet if the international community continues to hold off, the state will never have the opportunity or the ability to oversee Afghanistan's recovery and long term development. This is because the TGA's legitimacy rests not just on security apparatus but on its capacity to deliver essential services and to oversee the rebuilding of institutions. An act of faith is now required of the international community in order for them to deliver on their promises of funding, albeit with careful monitoring of funds through the TGA.

IS THE COORDINATION BETWEEN DONORS, NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS AND THE NEW ADMINISTRATION HELPING TO ENSURE THAT HUMANITARIAN NEEDS AND RECONSTRUCTION EFFORTS ARE CARRIED OUT EFFICIENTLY AND EFFECTIVELY?

  4.1  Christian Aid's partners have indicated that there are few effective coordination mechanisms between the donor community and the TGA. While most of the TGA departments lack the capacity to ensure co-ordination, donors are unsure of how to deal with the new realities on the ground.

  4.2  For the sake of creating an efficient co-ordination mechanism, the donor community as well as the international NGOs, need to focus on a well-targeted and collaborative approach to Afghanistan. While ample consideration should be given to the national priorities the needs of the individual communities within the country must take priority. It is essential that the donor community contributes in a unified and strategic effort rather than focus on partial forms of assistance. A priority should be assistance to the TGA to promote nationally coordinated programmes in each sector; the more individual donors try to promote individual aid projects the greater the risk that the "whole" will be undermined. This implies a major effort by donors to rebuild government institutions and ensure that Afghans rapidly acquire the skills necessary to run an efficient administration.

  4.3  It is not just financial support that is required from the international community, but also technical, personnel, training and logistical support in order to be able to build the capacity of the TGA infrastructure. This capacity will help to ensure proper coordination and therefore tangible results for the majority of Afghans.

  4.4  Donors should therefore work on transferring strategic leadership to the TGA through technical, training and logistical support. One way of strengthening capacity, would be to increase the pay of civil servants from $30 per month, in order that qualified Afghan men and women may be willing to work for the TGA.

  4.5  It is perhaps understandable that some donors wish to invest their monies in specific projects (particularly "softer" areas of work, such as education and gender programmes). However, the TGA has recently released a report that indicates that it will cost $1 million per day to fund salaries of civil servants alone[27]. Without commitment and coordination from the international community to underwrite these more mundane but absolutely essential commitments (until the TGA has revenues of its own), the TGA is likely to have to break its fiscal commitments and accept credit facilities in order to service their liabilities.

  4.6  There has been a significant increase in the "headhunting" of staff from local NGOs by the UN and other international agencies and rapid salary inflation. Some local NGOs have been forced to hike salaries by 50 per cent in two months in order to keep staff An associated problem is the rapid rise in rent levels for domestic and office accommodation in urban areas. This not only leaves local organisations without the space they need. It also puts housing beyond the means of people attempting to return from refugee asylum or internal displacement.

Recommendation

  4.7  National-scale projects cannot be conducted by the UN, NGOs or the TGA alone. Christian Aid's partners have requested that there should be strong coordinating mechanisms between these three limbs, with a leading role for the national government. But the different policies and approaches of NGOs and the loss of government capacity and control during the last two decades of conflict have left the TGA unable to fill the co-ordination role.

  4.8  The UK Government should apply pressure to the international community and make technical resources available for the building of the TGA's capacity immediately, if it wishes to ensure the TGA is capable of fulfilling its mandate to the Afghan people.

  4.9  The UK Government should work with other members of the international community to ensure that international agencies pay salaries and rents that do not inflate local markets unreasonably. Such restraint will allow local organisations to access the human and material resources they need.

WHAT CONSTRAINTS DOES THE DIFFICULT OPERATING ENVIRONMENT PLACE ON DEVELOPMENT WORK? HOW DOES THIS AFFECT THE EXPECTATIONS OF WHAT CAN BE ACHIEVED IN THE NEXT FIVE TO TEN YEARS IN AFGHANISTAN?

Security

  5.1  The lack of security within Afghanistan (including within Kabul where the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mandate operates) is well known and the situation remains precarious. The distinct cultural differences and biases within the country (mainly between Tajiks and Pashtuns) have resulted in the Afghan people becoming "normalised" to the threat and actuality of insecurity. Christian Aid remains deeply concerned that this "normalisation" of violence and insecurity may negatively impact upon some Afghans' tolerance of cultural differences, accentuate existing factionalism and lead to long term problems and conflict within the TGA.

  5.2  Between November 2001 and June 2002, NGOs recorded in excess of 70 violent attacks on local and international NGO staff and ordinary Afghans. The peace within Afghanistan is fragile due to the lack of effective security guarantees beyond Kabul and its surrounding area. As a result, humanitarian aid and development programmes are constantly under threat.

  5.3  The limited ISAF mandate has meant that the regional power holders have consolidated their power and many act autonomously outside of Kabul. This has (reportedly) led to friction between the power holders and the TGA.

  5.4  The National Development Framework's emphasis on building up a national army and police force is important. However, this proposal will only be effective if there is sufficient international support (financial, technical and training) for such programmes as well as sufficient regional support. In any event, the establishment of such projects will take a considerable amount of time; given the small size (600 soldiers in total) of the first battalion of the Afghan National Army, the process of mobilising a professional Afghan Army will take at least five to 10 years even with the international community providing assistance.

  5.5  The constant threat of insecurity may have had a significant impact on the levels of monies that international donor agencies have delivered on.

  5.6  The problem of security in Afghanistan is likely to be one of the main stumbling blocks to long term reconstruction and recovery. Indeed, human rights experts have commented that without security, there can be no reconstruction or human rights infrastructures. Regional power holders are unlikely to simply surrender the power they have fought for, without a compromise and compensation for political "buy-in" on some long-term commitment to national unity through reconstructive programmes. Indeed there is an important role for legitimate and accountable provincial government to play in the national reconstruction and development project. Regional power holders should be encouraged to take a stake in peace and long-term stability.

  5.7  The international community should support the TGA in a search for a balance between strong central government and hearing the representations of local interests.

  5.8  There is often extreme tension between different ethnic groups. Minority Pashtun communities in the north and west are particularly at risk. The already difficult operating environment will be exacerbated without support for concerted reconciliation and peace building initiatives.

HOW DO LOCAL POLITICS INFLUENCE THE PRIORITIES AND TARGETING OF DEVELOPMENT WORK AND ARE LOCAL PEOPLE, PARTICULARLY WOMEN, BEING GIVEN SUFFICIENT OPPORTUNITY TO PLAY A SIGNIFICANT PART IN THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF THEIR COUNTRY AND ARE THEY BEING EMPOWERED TO DO THIS EFFECTIVELY?

  6.1 Christian Aid works in the west of Afghanistan, which is largely governed by or under the influence of Ismail Khan. Ismail Khan's influence stretches far in the west, due to his local tax and customs revenues, the 30,000 soldiers that he reportedly has at his command and his historical support from political and economic backers in Iran.

  6.2  Political considerations by government and security considerations by the aid community have impacted on the distribution of benefits to some communities. Our partners have suggested that some areas being controlled by "friendly warlords" have received more assistance than other parts of the country.

  6.3  Rivalries between local power holders create insecurity that hinders relief and development work. The power struggle between national government and regional power holders is impeding the development of administrative systems to manage the recovery effort.

  6.4  Society in Western Afghanistan is usually, although not universally, organised on the basis of shuras. These traditional councils are focal points for decision-making and common action. They are an effective mechanism and are the usual means for the village to engage with its external environment. Local participation in the shura is high (although not universal) and the voice of the shura is generally accepted as the voice of the village. While Christian Aid acknowledges that the shura model is not an absolute ideal, we encourage other agencies, including the UK Government, to involve local shuras in the design, implementation and monitoring of emergency and development activities, as it remains the most appropriate form of consultation with local people in many areas of Afghanistan.

  6.5  However the shuras, like the society that they reflect, are patriarchal. They are made up almost exclusively of men. Christian Aid recognises the need to encourage women to make their voices heard at local and national level and the need to encourage Afghan men to listen to women's voices. This process will not happen without an improvement in women's and girls' skills, knowledge and economic position. Such improvements however are dependent on women taking a greater role in decision-making. The UK Government should ensure that its development assistance both directly promotes participation of women in planning and decision-making and indirectly encourages women's participation by improving their access to learning and skills and to economic opportunity.

  6.6  Though there appears to have been some improvement for women since the collapse of the Taliban (for example in access to education), no substantial change in their socio-economic position has taken place yet; there is little evidence that women's voices are being heard more in local or national debates.

  6.7  Christian Aid partners have indicated that more money should go to the new Afghan Ministry for Education, as it is only through the educative process that attitudes and practice will change towards women and their role in society and the household. Christian Aid partners have suggested that there needs to be significant improvement for women within the family unit, particularly through providing opportunities for them to play a leading role in the household economy. The UK Government can assist by providing education and training, which is one way that the situation can improve.

  6.8  According to Christian Aid's partners, the large influx of new NGOs with their limited experience of running long-term development programmes in the Afghan environment, has meant that many programmes have been emergency, short-term or small projects, with limited impact. Some have failed to involve local people in the design and implementation of projects and have imported solutions that are at best inappropriate and at worst harmful. The UK Government should be encouraged to support interventions that build up Afghan NGOs and should support the TGA's efforts to regulate and co-ordinate NGO activities.

  6.9  When bilateral donors do work through international NGOs they should steer them appropriately to ensure that long term development work is conducted in concert with the aims, objectives and needs of the local community, established through community consultation and co-ordination with the TGA. Donor agencies should ensure that the organisations that they fund adhere to recognized codes of conduct such as those of the Red Cross and SPHERE.

  6.10  Christian Aid partners have also suggested that the overall policy of the new administration confuses "reconstruction" with "development" work. They have argued that the TGA strongly supports and encourages physical and visible reconstruction programmes but that it is difficult for government officials to see the benefit and impact of participatory development programmes over the longer period.

CONCLUSION

International Community Support

  7.1  The international community has a real opportunity to provide stability in Afghanistan. The opportunity to improve living standards, national unity and peace for a population that has suffered from hardship, civil unrest and drought for the past 23 years should not be missed. The international community has a duty to provide support to people who have been let down so many times before by the international community. Currently there is a real sense of hope amongst Afghan's that their "lot" is about to improve.

  7.2  However, this optimism is constantly being tempered by the doubt that the TGA and Afghans have in relation to the international community's commitments to them. This erosion of hope is likely to have a negative impact on recovery and reconciliation. Honouring of existing pledges and further contributions to Afghanistan are essential for its long term stability and survival as a legitimate and participatory government.

Food aid and security

  7.3  Christian Aid remains concerned that there will be insufficient food for some Afghans this winter, particularly in the most remote areas. The WFP is due to release a Vulnerability Assessment Mission (VAM) report this month and this should highlight those areas where specific targeting of vulnerable groups is required.

  7.4  Christian Aid remains extremely concerned that there is inappropriate use of food aid in some areas which may result in a depression of local markets. Active encouragement should be provided to local traders to allow their businesses to thrive on the basis of a recovering local economy.

Christian Aid

October 2002


11   World Bank Preliminary Assessment, January 2002; Senator Joseph Biden, Boston Globe, 28 June 2002; Koffi Annan, Tokyo Conference, March 2002. Back

12   All figures from World Bank, Transitional Support Strategy for Afghanistan, Annex 4, 12 March 2002, except figure relating to income, which were located at page 30 of World Bank Preliminary Assessment, January 2002. Back

13   WFP Vulnerability Assessment Mission, October 2002. Back

14   WFP Emergency Report, 13 August 2002. Back

15   WFP Afghanistan, Pipeline News, 7 September 2002. Back

16   Alejandro Chicheri, WFP Spokesman, 21 August 2002. Back

17   USAID, Complex Emergency Situation Report, 30 September 2002. Back

18   Afghanistan: No Room For Donor Complacency, Says UNAMA Official, Scott Hartmann, UN Wire, 19 September 2002. Back

19   Infrastructure Development Institute, Japan, Afghanistan: Present State of Transport Infrastructure, August 2002. Back

20   Development Institute, Japan (IDIJ): Afghanistan: Present State of Transport Infrastructure, August 2002. Back

21   Ashraf Ghani, "Donors pledge more Money", Agence France Presse, 26 September 2002. Back

22   Estimates of Aid Pledged and Aid Delivered-Briefing Paper, Government of Afghanistan, undated but received at Christian Aid's offices on 20 August 2002. Back

23   No Room For Donor Complacency, Says UNAMA Official, Scott Hartmann, UN Wire, 19 September 2002. Back

24   Estimates of Aid Pledged and Aid Delivered-Briefing Paper, Government of Afghanistan, undated but received at Christian Aid's offices on 20 August 2002. Back

25   United Nations' Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs interview with Ahmed Rashid, 17 September 2002. Back

26   Mukesh Kapila, UNAMA official, "No room for complacency", Scott Harmann, UN Wire, 19 September 2002. Back

27   Afghan Interim Authority Brief to the Implementation Group in Kabul on the Afghanistan Ordinary Budget, 9 August 2002. Back


 
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