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Mr. Michael Howard (Folkestone and Hythe) (Con): I begin by welcoming the fact that the Prime Minister decided at the last minute that he, and not the Foreign Secretary, would make this statement on these vital international issues. We welcome this small U-turn by the Prime Minister, just as we welcome his big U-turn to hold a referendum on the European constitution.
On the substance of the Prime Minister's statement, I entirely agree about Cyprus. On Iraq, we do not in any sense resile from our support for military action against Saddam's regime. We fully support the continuing deployment of British troops in Iraq. We pay tribute to them for their competence, professionalism and bravery in very difficult circumstances, and I join the Prime Minister in expressing our sympathy to the families of all those who have lost their lives in the circumstances that he described. I am sure that the Prime Minister will want to join me in condemning last night's roadside bomb that injured three British soldiers in Al Amarah, particularly since two members of the same regiment were injured on Saturday.
Notwithstanding the very great difficulties that are clearly present in Iraq today, I agree with the Government that it is essential that we see this through; and, like the Prime Minister, I reject the criticism of those who suggest that we should now pull out.
On the scale of the military commitment, can the Prime Minister tell the House whether British commanders in Iraq have asked for reinforcements and whether any such request has come from the Americans? What arrangements are being made to replace the 1,300-strong Spanish contingent whom, we are told, are to be withdrawn as soon as possible?
The United Kingdom has been punching above its weight militarily, but are there not concerns that we have not done so diplomatically and politically? To make that point is not in any way to criticise David Richmond, as the Prime Minister falsely asserted on the radio on Saturday morning. I have no doubt that Mr. Richmond is an able man who is doing his best in
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difficult circumstances. I am not criticising Mr. Richmond—I am criticising the Prime Minister. Why has he refused to send to Baghdad a more senior and authoritative figure than Mr. Richmond? Did he raise in Washington last week the role of the British representative in Baghdad? Did he ask the President to designate the British representative as Ambassador Bremer's deputy? The Prime Minister will be aware that it has been widely reported that even Sir Jeremy Greenstock found it extremely difficult to make his voice heard at the headquarters of the coalition provisional authority. Is not that why, when British troops are in daily peril, there should be a powerful and senior British voice in Baghdad giving us a real say in the decisions that are made?
As we approach the 30 June deadline for the transfer of sovereignty, I welcome the announcement that the United Nations will be involved in the handover, but what precisely will be the nature of that involvement? Will United Nations special envoy Brahimi have the same discretion and flexibility as he had in Afghanistan? Were he to come to the conclusion that the deadline of 30 June is unrealistic, would the deadline be reconsidered?
Given that the deadline is little more than two months away, will the Prime Minister answer some crucial questions? How will those to whom power is to be transferred on 30 June be selected? Will that be a matter for the United Nations or for the coalition provisional authority? What powers will be transferred? In particular, who will be responsible for security? Yesterday, Ambassador Bremer said:
"It is clear that Iraqi forces will not be able, on their own, to deal with these"—
"threats by June 30 when an Iraqi government assumes sovereignty."
After 30 June, will the new Iraqi authorities be able to decide on the way in which coalition troops are to be deployed, where they are to be deployed, in what force they are to be deployed, or whether they are to be deployed at all? Will the Iraqi authorities have the power to ask coalition troops to leave Iraq? Will they have the right to decide what happens to any insurgents apprehended or captured by coalition forces? Great concerns have been expressed over the performance of the Iraqi security forces during recent events. Did the Prime Minister raise with the President the nature of the steps that would be taken to improve the training and effectiveness of those forces?
Finally on Iraq, does not everything that has happened over the past year reinforce the warnings that we gave at the time about the lack of a carefully thought through plan for reconstruction in post-war Iraq? [Laughter.] They are all on the record for the Prime Minister to see.
On the middle east peace process, was the Prime Minister consulted by President Bush before the President announced his endorsement of Prime Minister Sharon's plans last week? Did the Prime Minister express to the President the view that given that the road map had been drawn up by the Quartet, it would have been more appropriate for the Quartet to be involved in further decisions of this kind than for them to be decided bilaterally between the United States and Israel?
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We welcome Israel's disengagement from Gaza and partial disengagement from the west bank, but does the Prime Minister agree that there will no lasting peace or security in the middle east without establishing a viable Palestinian state alongside a secure state of Israel? Will he confirm the following two principles? First, a two-state solution cannot be imposed and must be reached by agreement through negotiation. Secondly, all the elements of such an agreement, including the Palestinian right of return and Israeli west bank settlements, must be on the table for negotiation. Will he confirm that last week's statement by President Bush must be the start, not the end of a process?
Given that the Prime Minister is always eager to secure the maximum possible agreement in the European Union on such issues, will he confirm that, if such agreement existed and the constitution were in force, the president of Europe, not the British Prime Minister, would have met the President of the United States last week?
The Prime Minister: I should thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman for his support, which was, as ever, generous, on Iraq. On today's evidence, I cannot say that he would be someone with whom one would want to go tiger shooting. Throughout, he tries to give us general support and create as much particular mischief as he can. Although he says that his criticism of David Richmond's status is not a criticism of David Richmond, I do not believe that many people took it as anything else. When people do a difficult job on the ground and risk their lives, there is nothing worse than the Leader of the Opposition scoring points by saying that they are not suitable. That is exactly what the right hon. and learned Gentleman is doing and everybody knows it.
Of course, the United Nations is involved up to and through the 30 June deadline, which Mr. Brahimi, as well as the United States and Britain, has reaffirmed. The UN will continue with the current consultation and dialogue, most notably with the key groups in Iraq. It is interesting that, in all Mr. Brahimi's negotiations, a majority of Iraqis, whether they are Kurds, Shi'a or Sunni, obviously want a broad-based constitution that represents all the different groups in Iraq. That is a cause for optimism, even in the current difficulties.
It was always anticipated that there would be a security agreement with the new Iraqi Government after 30 June that would involve coalition troops. It was never contended that we could turn all security issues over to the Iraqi forces after 30 June. However, we are attempting to ensure that the Iraqi capability to conduct policing and civil defence work is extended and made as secure as possible, which is important. It is bound to be difficult to create an entirely new police and civil defence force, but I believe that we shall manage to do that. I emphasise that the difficulties in Fallujah and Najaf still exist and are acute; none the less, it is interesting to note that local leaders and Iraqi police and defence forces are involved, and I therefore hope that both issues can thus be resolved.
Of course, it is essential to improve the training of the forces, but my overall view is that although difficulties exist—in some ways, they are to be expected—I reject the line that somehow there was no proper preparation. After the conflict, specific groups in Iraq were always
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going to try to dislodge the progress that was being made. It was always going to be difficult, but I believe that the difficulties are a reason for us to redouble our efforts, not to retire and retreat from the field.
One would not quite have gathered from the right hon. and learned Gentleman's words that we are in agreement about the way forward on the middle east. Of course, it is right that the final status negotiations must include all the issues, whatever the expressed views of Israel or America. All I have been saying is that the fact that there is to be a disengagement or withdrawal by Israel from Gaza and the west bank at least gives not only the Palestinian Authority but the international community the chance to play a role in building the necessary economic, political and security capability in the Palestinian Authority in relation to the part over which it will have control once the Israelis withdraw from Gaza and parts of the west bank. I do not in any sense want to minimise the anger at other things that have been said or done over the past few days, but it is important that we at least focus on the possibilities that that disengagement offers.
In respect of the European Union, the right hon. and learned Gentleman's position is absolute nonsense. There is nothing to prevent us from taking a view as an independent sovereign country, and it will be a pleasure to debate the reality rather than the myth.
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