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Hywel Williams (Caernarfon) (PC): In his statement, the Prime Minister mentioned 123 American fatalities, and the Ukrainian soldier and the US, British, Italian and Canadian civilians who have tragically been killed since mid-March. However, he made no reference to the number of Iraqis who were killed. Will he take this opportunity to address that omission, and will he tell the House whether he agrees with the head of the US army's central command, who said that these losses, whatever they may be, are the result of a judicious use of force?

The Prime Minister: I did express our sympathy in respect of the Iraqi civilians who have also died. That is why we must ensure that we try to resolve the situation in Fallujah and Najaf as peacefully as possible, and that is what we are doing.

Mr. Robert N. Wareing (Liverpool, West Derby) (Lab): Will my right hon. Friend consider advice from me that is given quite freely? He could learn a lot from the experience of the former Soviet Union. It tried to impose its system of government on eastern European countries, but once they were free from military occupation they decided to go in a different direction. We cannot impose western-style democracy on Iraq, a country of a very different civilisation and culture. Once the occupation has ended, Iraq will determine which direction to go in, and at what pace.

The Prime Minister: I rather think that the analogy with what happened with the Soviet Union is a little
 
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different from what my hon. Friend says. In fact, the moment those countries were free from repression, they chose democracy, and it is absolutely clear that that is what the majority of Iraqis want. There is an extraordinary attitude in some parts of the west that somehow democracy, human rights and the rule of law are western values. In my view, they are values of the human spirit. That is what people want, and what they opt for every time they are given the choice. In Iraq, we will have a process whereby, first, people vote in an assembly to draw up a final constitution, and then there will be a democratic vote in elections. I would have thought that everybody, no matter what their view on the war in Iraq, would support that.

Sir Patrick Cormack (South Staffordshire) (Con): In the crucial days leading up to 30 June, is there not a case for having a British representative of ministerial rank and importance—somebody like Lord Robertson—overseeing what happens from Britain's point of view?

The Prime Minister: I assure the hon. Gentleman that I, the Foreign Secretary and the Defence Secretary remain heavily engaged in the issue. The best way of operating with the coalition provisional authority is through the mechanism that we have.

The Leader of the Opposition mentioned Jeremy Greenstock, whose view is that David Richmond is the best person for the job, has the experience and is trusted by the Americans. It is important to realise that everything that happens in any part of Iraq affects the whole country. Down in the south, the British forces and civilians are in control, while around Baghdad it is predominantly American forces and civilians. It is important to have the right partnership with them so that we can influence the decisions that are made. I genuinely believe that to be the case now. Of course, we must always keep the matter under review but, first, Jeremy Greenstock and then David Richmond have done a very good job.

If people from inside Iraq, either members of the governing council or our military personnel, were saying to us, "Look, this isn't the right way of working", of course we would listen very carefully, but they are not. There are certain issues that have to be resolved at a Government-to-Government level as well.

Mr. Peter Kilfoyle (Liverpool, Walton) (Lab): Once again, the Prime Minister seems to make a cogent case on the middle east, but is not the truth that the 30 June deadline, the latter-day conversion to the United Nations and the U-turn on the fundamental human rights of Palestinians are more to do with the re-election of the President than with the longer-term stability of that troubled part of the world? Is not it also the case that Sharon will continue to assassinate with impunity because there is nothing that anyone can or will do about it, and that post-30 June, heavy-handed American military activity will determine the future of Iraq, and certainly not the United Nations?

The Prime Minister: The United Nations will have a key and central role in the political transition. When American troops are suffering losses and coming under attack from terrorists or insurgents, they have a difficult position to maintain.
 
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On the middle east peace process, I return to the point that I have made constantly. People can argue about what the President said or what the Prime Minister of Israel said, and about their motivations, but that does not really profit anyone, because ultimately the question is what we can do about the situation. My point is that if one big reality on the ground changes—the withdrawal by Israel from the whole of Gaza and parts of the west bank—that should not be looked in the mouth but should be built upon.

Mr. Desmond Swayne (New Forest, West) (Con): Given that the 3rd UK Armoured Division and the coalition provisional authority conducted successful local government elections in southern Iraq on a household franchise based on the ration card system last August and September, does the Prime Minister agree that the best way to undermine the likes of Maqtadr al Sadr, and to show how few people they represent, is to move swiftly to national elections in Iraq?

The Prime Minister: First, let me thank the hon. Gentleman again for his service in Iraq. Secondly, I entirely agree with what he said. That is absolutely right, and it shows that people are perfectly prepared to participate in those elections and want to do so. What is happening in Iraq at the moment is that we are being put to the test because some of these groups wonder whether we have the commitment to see it through. That is what they wonder and many people in Iraq have never known democracy—they have had a brutal repression for more than three decades. They are asking whether things are really going to change, and we have to give them the confidence that they will.

Mrs. Louise Ellman (Liverpool, Riverside) (Lab/Co-op): I thank my right hon. Friend for his tireless work in trying to bring peace and justice to both Palestinians and Israelis. Does he agree that the withdrawal of about 7,000 Israeli settlers from Gaza should be a cause for celebration, not for grudging acceptance? What does he believe the Government can do to ensure that we move forward to negotiations based on the road map and the Geneva protocols—put together by progressive Israelis and Palestinians and based on the important principle of land for peace?

The Prime Minister: I agree with what my hon. Friend says, and it is worth pointing out that, had the Palestinians come forward several months ago to demand that 7,000 settlers be moved from Gaza and that Israel disengaged unilaterally from Gaza and parts of the west bank, people would have thought that it was a bold negotiating ploy. What has happened is that surrounding issues—what was said about final status questions such as right of return and so on—have obscured the fact that, underneath all that, there is something that we can work with.

Dr. Julian Lewis (New Forest, East) (Con): If, God forbid, al-Qaeda succeeded in killing as many civilians in the United Kingdom as Hamas has succeeded in killing in Israel, would the Prime Minister rule out a policy of targeted assassination of Osama bin Laden?
 
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The Prime Minister: It is important that we act, all the way through, in accordance with international law. That is what we should do and we have made our position clear on targeted assassinations. I did say in my statement, which I repeat, that we condemn the terrorist atrocities committed by Hamas.

Glenda Jackson (Hampstead and Highgate) (Lab): Does the military and political strategy, to which the Prime Minister referred, mean that the British Government supported the level and type of action visited on Fallujah and Najaf, in which by far the greatest loss of life was suffered by innocent Iraqi civilians? Does that also mean that the British Government would endorse such actions, should they become necessary in future?

The Prime Minister: It is worth looking at what is happening now, which is that we are trying peacefully to resolve the situation in Fallujah. It is a difficult situation when four contractors are taken away and brutally murdered, and there was bound to be a reaction to it. However, I hope that we can resolve the issues in Fallujah in a peaceful way, which is what we are trying to do.

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