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Mr. Richard Spring (West Suffolk) (Con): I thank all those who have contributed to this afternoon's debate. Everyone is concerned about the situation in Zimbabwe, which is one of the great tragedies of Africa.
The right hon. Member for Swansea, East (Donald Anderson) was the first of many speakers to allude to the many statistics showing the terrible breakdown that has occurred in Zimbabwe in respect of production in agriculture and manufacturing. He rightly spoke about the collapse of education services and presented a catalogue of horror in the country that used to be described as the bread-basket of Africa.
The right hon. Gentleman also discussed the damage done to South Africa, which has not understood fully the various problems that the situation in Zimbabwe has caused it. The catalogue of depressing statistics and background information was added to by the hon. Member for Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale (Mr. Moore). That underlines the concern felt in this House for the tragic plight of the people of Zimbabwe.
I pay unreserved tribute to the hon. Member for Vauxhall (Kate Hoey). Over and over again, she has highlighted this matter in a very personal and impressive way, both in this House and in various other ways. She talked about the collapse of medical support in Zimbabwe and the tragedy of dispossessed black farm workers, and about Mugabe's horrific desire to cling to power at any price. She was also entirely correct to highlight the absolute necessity for Zimbabwe to have free and fair elections. She also highlighted the difficulties of the press in operating in the atmosphere that exists in that country and the need for proper, validated election observers. She also talked about—correctly, in my view—refusing visas as a way of dealing with the proposed cricket tour.
I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Macclesfield (Sir Nicholas Winterton), who for many years has been a wonderful example of interest in and commitment to the people of Zimbabwe. He talked about the tragic destruction of education infrastructure and housing, about torture and human rights abuses, and the way in which the sale of maize—a staple diet of the people of Zimbabwe—has been brought under political control. My hon. Friend is right to talk about
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the tragic situation that obtained in Matabeleland 20 years ago. I was not a Member of Parliament at the time, but it does no credit to the Government of the time that they paid insufficient attention to what was happening as that tragedy unfolded. I know that my hon. Friend was one of the few people to highlight that issue and, in retrospect, we all owe him a debt of gratitude.
The hon. Member for Sittingbourne and Sheppey (Mr. Wyatt) made the good point that the Churches should get together, visit Zimbabwe and report on the situation. He talked about it being the Palestine of Africa and about the need for a one-day conference on money laundering and Zimbabwe. All those points were well made.
My hon. Friend the Member for Aldershot (Mr. Howarth) has also taken a keen interest in Zimbabwe. He talked about the corruption, violence and human suffering. He was right to say that we have a responsibility and a special interest, given our historic ties to Zimbabwe. He was also right to point out that a pension problem has arisen for those who worked in that country's civil service.
The hon. Member for South Swindon (Ms Drown) expressed great concern. She mentioned the huge and increasing number of people in receipt of food aid, which is another manifestation of the tragedy of Zimbabwe. My hon. Friend the Member for North-West Norfolk (Mr. Bellingham) mentioned an issue that has been insufficiently highlighted—the acquisition of farming material and equipment. We have heard about land nationalisation, but that has disappeared from view at the moment. The compulsory acquisition of that material and equipment is an abuse of the rule of law. My hon. Friend also talked about the need for independent monitors and observers of the election process and about the racism involved in the selection of the Zimbabwe cricket team.
The hon. Member for Luton, North (Mr. Hopkins) talked about the need for consistency in our approach to the appalling regimes in this world. He also mentioned the Zimbabwean citizens and politicians who live in his constituency without their families, and the difficulties that they face. My hon. Friend the Member for South Staffordshire (Sir Patrick Cormack) urged the Government to speak out against what we all know to be an evil regime. He talked of the need for the Government to be in regular touch with the Zimbabwean emissary to convey our disapproval of actions undertaken by that Government. He also talked correctly of the need to deal with the cronies of the regime and their families if they benefit in any way from coming to the UK.
The hon. Member for Northampton, North (Ms Keeble) was right to raise the humanitarian issues and what will happen post-Mugabe. A massive reconstruction effort will be necessary and we all need to think about that. She was also right to say that people weakened by lack of food and starvation are especially prone to developing HIV/AIDS.
The debate has expressed a universal view of great concern about the Zimbabwean tragedy, but I must make one point about that. We have had many debates on the issue, especially in Westminster Hall, in the past
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few years. Over and over again, my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Devizes (Mr. Ancram) has put forward specific ideas to address the situation. My right hon. Friend the Member for Horsham (Mr. Maude) did the same when he was shadow Foreign Secretary. Time and again, we have made specific and clear suggestions, and I thought that it was astonishing that the Foreign Secretary should say this afternoon that at no time have we made constructive suggestions about how to deal with the matter. My right hon. and learned Friend put forward a clear and whole policy agenda, as he has done time and again. It was demeaning for the Foreign Secretary to suggest that nothing but rhetoric has come from the Opposition, when we have tried to put forward specific suggestions on so many levels. His speech was flimsy and wholly inadequate.
There is anxiety about the skimming off of EU aid by the Mugabe regime, and I hope that the Minister will address that matter when he winds up. The European Communities Court of Auditors report for 2002 shows that no less than 89 per cent. of EU aid money provided for humanitarian purposes such as tackling AIDS and poverty in Zimbabwe has been creamed off by Mugabe and his cronies—a process that has been facilitated through a simple exchange rate scam. The audit estimates that Mugabe and his family, and those close to him in the regime, made something like £100 million. That is an outrageous sum, an abuse of aid and a total travesty.
Will the Minister respond on that subject? That appalling state of affairs has provoked criticism even from normally stoical EU officials.? In late February, one of them said:
"It is an absolute scandal. Taxpayers' money is going straight into the pockets of gangsters."
I hope that the Minister will provide some information, because when the report was published, the Secretary of State for International Development launched an investigation. We welcome that, but it is important that we find out exactly what has happened. If the suggestions are true, what representations has the Minister made to the EU to change its aid delivery mechanisms? This episode is an outrageous abuse of taxpayers' money. Aid from the EU and the US sustains millions of Zimbabweans, and we want the people who need the aid, not members of the Mugabe family, to be helped.
Many good and encouraging things are going on in Africa. There is good economic growth in many of its economies, and political change in Kenya; there are many success stories. Sadly, however, the tragedy in Zimbabwe drowns them out and pushes Africa's successes out of the limelight. Zimbabwe casts a cloud over Africa's reputation.
It is therefore incumbent on the Government to make plain to other African countries the cost that Mugabe's regime imposes on them—a point that was made by my hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Tony Baldry). In the United Kingdom, and in the west in general, we must play our part in helping Africa to help itself. We must work to open our markets, provide debt relief and encourage inward investment in African countries that offer attractive opportunities. We must realise that in a globalised world, we cannot escape the consequences of
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instability or failed states even if they are halfway round the world. Economic consequences and the impact of refugee movements affect us all.
There are organisations that seek to act as a bridge between Africa's nations and the so-called west. The Southern African Development Community and the New Partnership for Africa's Development are two such organisations, which seek to bring together the need for aid and development with the need to deliver good governance. If they are truly to fulfil their potential and be internationally respected, they must be prepared to demonstrate that the peer review mechanisms designed to tackle members who breach their objectives and rules function effectively. The rules and mechanisms must be effectively applied to countries such as Zimbabwe.
The Government have several tools at their disposal to bring change to Zimbabwe. One is the diplomatic weight and pressure that the African Union and SADC could be persuaded to exert against Mugabe. Yet sadly, the Government's impact in that respect has been disappointing. For far too long, Mugabe's neighbours have done too little; it is unlikely that he would still be in power if those nations had adopted a proactive approach to his regime.
As my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Devizes told us, in last week's debate in another place Baroness Amos said that SADC had made repeated attempts to apply pressure to Mugabe. However, Mugabe still gets a respectful response at every SADC conference. Baroness Amos mentioned Bakili Muluzi, the former Malawian president who, wearing his SADC hat, declared that the Zimbabwean elections in 2002 were free and fair. We have read similar comments by the president of Tanzania. A further example of the problem, if one were needed, is that during the UN human rights conference, the southern African nations, led by South Africa, combined to block a motion banning obvious and well documented human rights abuses in Zimbabwe.
In February 2004, the EU instructed its representatives in SADC countries to warn those countries' Governments about their policies on Mugabe. In every case, the Governments responded by downplaying what is going on in Zimbabwe. For four years, an endless series of British diplomats, Ministers and representatives called on those same Governments, discussing the situation in Zimbabwe in restrained terms. They reported back stating that the leaders whom they met now understood the issue better and recognised that Mugabe's rhetoric did not represent the true state of affairs. However, will the Minister tell the House how the recent series of meetings were responded to? In addition, can he tell us whether, in the Government's opinion, those SADC countries have taken up their responsibilities to seek to influence the course of events in Zimbabwe—after all, refugees from Zimbabwe are all over southern Africa?
NEPAD is a partnership between the developed and developing world. Its framework enables African countries to receive aid and inward investment from the developed world on the condition that they follow good governance and respect the human rights of their peoples. However, the NEPAD countries have so far been able to exert little influence over Mugabe. Indeed, on several occasions, they have thwarted the diplomatic initiatives of others. Regional pressure could achieve so
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much more than the Governments in the west could ever hope to do, so a two-pronged approach would be desirable. The west working in partnership with Zimbabwe's neighbours is what is needed if change is to come in Zimbabwe, so the suggestion made by the hon. Member for Sittingbourne and Sheppey was good. However, sadly, we have yet to see action from Zimbabwe's African neighbours, and without their help, Mugabe can be safe in the knowledge that change will not come about.
It is clear from the debate and the ever-growing catalogue of injustices, murders and deprivation in Zimbabwe that the Government's policy towards the country has failed. The outlook for next year's elections is ominous because few optimists expect anything but a Mugabe victory.
May I take this opportunity to offer the Government some constructive suggestions on how their Zimbabwean policy may be strengthened? They must take southern African leaders to task for their support of Mugabe. It is still the case that they cheer for Mugabe at SADC conferences while receiving our overseas aid, which undermines what NEPAD stands for. Their influential clout and leverage to challenge Mugabe over his policies is not being utilised, so I encourage the Minister to be publicly open and frank with our African friends about the importance of the role that they can play.
The Government should embargo all companies that support or work hand in hand with the ZANU-PF regime, such as the Dimon company to which my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Devizes referred. I also encourage the Government to examine US regulations that forbid deals with certain Zimbabwean counterparts, because such legislation could perhaps be introduced in the UK. We have heard about extending the travel ban on Cabinet Ministers to include their families and other prominent regime figures. It is far too easy for ZANU-PF bigwigs to move funds around the world via their children and dependents.
It is also worth noting that Zimbabwe owes South Africa and Mozambique millions of dollars in back payments for imports of electricity and fuel. I echo the words of the brave Zimbabwean archbishop Pius Ncube, who advocated South Africa switching off electricity supplies to Zimbabwe. Such a policy would have an immediate impact, as it did when a previous South African Government threatened and took that action. Opponents would argue that the measure would hit the poorest hardest, but that is not the case. It would create a short-term major difficulty, but power cuts happen at the moment and there is a lack of supply. Frankly, the sooner the regime is brought to heel, the better. Even raising the matter would indicate intent, so I am sorry that the Government have thus far failed to do that.
We must ensure that Mugabe is thwarted and prevented from winning next year's elections through corruption, manipulation and violence. If he is victorious and retains power it will be increasingly difficult to break his stranglehold over his people, and we must never forget the tragedy that continues to unfold in Zimbabwe. The key is the SADC norms and standards for free and fair elections.
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In conclusion, the UK, acting with the US and the EU, clearly has a part to play, but there are occasions when we must speak openly to our friends in Africa— Archbishop Tutu, Tony Leon and others have done so—many of whom are in receipt of aid funded by the British taxpayer. It is in their interests, as it is in the interests of everyone who wants Africa to prosper, to tackle that blot on the reputation of the entire continent.
5.45 pm
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