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Joan Ruddock (Lewisham, Deptford) (Lab): Will my right hon. Friend accept that there is a clear perception—among those, such as me, who opposed the war and those who supported it—that British troops have been more intelligently and sensitively led in Iraq than the US forces? At a time when two thirds of Iraqi civilians who are killed die at the hands of the coalition, is not this the time to review the conduct of the war rather than to place British forces, which have done a fantastic job in their own way, under the command of the US?

Mr. Hoon: I have had the privilege of visiting British troops in their area of operations on several occasions and I acknowledge the remarkable way in which they have gone about their job. It is sometimes unfair to compare them with US troops in and around Baghdad,
 
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who have faced a wholly different kind of threat from that faced by British troops in the south. There have been some real difficulties in our area of operation, such as in al-Amarah, which has been superbly handled but has put great strain on British troops. The insurgency and terrorist threats that the Americans are dealing with are of a different order from those that British troops have faced in, for example, Basra. It is important that we offer our assistance, as part of the coalition, when it is requested.

Dr. Andrew Murrison (Westbury) (Con): Warminster in my constituency is currently the home of Lieutenant-Colonel Cowan and his battalion, who face a move to northern Iraq. What assessment has been made of the likely casualties that may be sustained in the event that that move takes place? Many of my constituents and their families will be deeply concerned.

Mr. Hoon: I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for raising that issue. It is obviously a matter that will have to be taken into account, not only by the chiefs of staff as they reach their conclusion based on the reconnaissance that will take place tomorrow, but by Ministers, who will report to the House about it.

Mr. Iain Luke (Dundee, East) (Lab): I echo the sentiments that have been expressed about the redeployment of the Black Watch for the third time. I have no doubt that the regiment will serve admirably, as always; it will do a great job and morale will be as good as ever. As there is obviously a greater need for American troops to be involved in combat in the run-up to the elections in January, does my right hon. Friend foresee further requests from the Americans for more British troops to be redeployed outwith their area of operations? Are we not getting into a quagmire, given the mishandling of the war by America, which could lead us into a Vietnam situation?

Mr. Hoon: I have been at great pains to emphasise that this is a specific request for a particular purpose, arising from the need to deal with the terrorist threat in particular cities. Those cities are well known; Samarra has already been dealt with, and there has been negotiation to reduce the level of threat in places such as Sadr City. Incidentally, that has been of considerable benefit to British forces in the south of the country, as there seems—at any rate, for the moment—to be agreement among certain of the Shi'a militant forces to relax their efforts. That has obviously made life calmer, for the present, in the south. It is important to emphasise that this is about ensuring that the terrorist threat in particular parts of the so-called Sunni triangle is reduced, to allow the prospect of elections in January.

Mr. Iain Duncan Smith (Chingford and Woodford Green) (Con): I am one of those who continue to support the war and believe that it is right and that what is going on is right to bring democratic government to Iraq, but it is important that when the Secretary of State comes to the Dispatch Box he clarifies the position exactly, to show that there will be a genuine and clear military advantage, that our troops, under the guidance
 
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of the chiefs of staff, will bring added value to the operations that are taking place in Iraq and that the rules of engagement are clear. I have one simple question about something that I feel he glossed over slightly and which was brought up by my hon. Friend the Member for Mid-Sussex (Mr. Soames)—the ICC. Will the Secretary of State explain how our different approach will not end up creating huge problems for us in the conduct of operations under the command, or associated command, of the Americans?

Mr. Hoon: This is not necessarily the occasion on which to debate the precise terms of the ICC statute. The right hon. Gentleman knows that we have robust rules of engagement and that we have consistently supported our troops and will not allow them to be placed in jeopardy due to some legal failure, or indeed as a result of our signing up to a statute, which, among other things, requires that the ICC intervene only when the state—in this case, the United Kingdom—had not taken appropriate action. That is a clear difference between our position and that of almost any other country. We would take robust action where it was appropriate.

Mr. Robin Cook (Livingston) (Lab): Will my right hon. Friend confirm that it is the restraint that has been shown by British troops in peacekeeping that has earned them respect among the Iraqis? Will it really be possible for them to maintain that restraint if they are deployed to a US sector that has been policed for more than a year by US forces who have not shown the same level of restraint? Does my right hon. Friend recall that the last time US forces besieged Falluja, they left Iraq in uproar over the many civilian casualties? In assessing the request, will he consider carefully the risk to British troops, in that if they free up US forces for the next attack they may be seen by some Iraqis as equally responsible for civilian casualties over which neither he nor they will have any control whatever?

Mr. Hoon: I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for the tribute he pays to British troops, but I qualify his observation to this extent: British forces are able to adjust their approach and tactics in the light of the threat they face. They will have to be less restrained—if I may adopt his word—if there is a direct physical threat to them. I hope that will not be the case, but obviously they have the flexibility and sophistication to be able to adjust appropriately to the conditions. What has changed since the last time that Falluja was approached in the way that it is proposed to deal with it is that sovereignty has passed to the Iraqi Interim Government and it will ultimately be their decision as to whether those operations take place. Indeed, significant numbers of Iraqi forces on the ground will participate in any operation, as they did in Samarra. This is no longer simply a question of the Americans deciding and doing, but a matter for the Iraqi Interim Government.

Mr. Kenneth Clarke (Rushcliffe) (Con): Does the Secretary of State accept that the difference between the British and American approaches to peacekeeping is not just a question of defending themselves against attack—British troops are just as robust in defending themselves against direct attack as any of their allies—but involves an approach to peacekeeping based on trying to keep
 
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the support of all the favourably disposed, non-insurgent civilian population? As the latest deployment is plainly intended to facilitate a further assault on Falluja, will the Government take the opportunity to try to exercise more influence on the Americans in their conduct of operations? In particular, will they stress the need to ensure that the force used is proportionate to the threat that is definitely known, and that action is conducted on a basis that minimises the threat to civilians and reduces the amount of air and artillery attack on densely populated areas of a city?

Mr. Hoon: The right hon. and learned Gentleman is at risk of making unfortunate generalisations about the US and the UK. I have conceded already that, in those areas where US forces are under a direct and regular threat from terrorist organisations, they must necessarily respond robustly. He quite fairly said that that would be the case if British troops faced the same kind of threat, but he must recognise that there are large parts of Iraq where US forces are deployed where, frankly, there is a degree of restraint—to adopt a phrase used by my right hon. Friend the Member for Livingston (Mr. Cook)—and a degree of interaction with the local population that are no different from the way in which British forces operate in the south. The response of any force to a particular situation must depend on the threat that it faces and how often that threat occurs.

Sir Gerald Kaufman (Manchester, Gorton) (Lab): I accept what my right hon. Friend says about this being a military request; I also accept what he says about the response to that request being a matter of timing. Will he take into account the fact that many hon. Members would hope that that timing will take into account the possibility of United Kingdom forces risking their lives being exploited politically in a closely fought United States election?

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