Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Evidence submitted by Asylum Welcome (AIA 9)

  Not all of the specific bulleted points relate to our work, as we have no information on costs and savings, but I shall deal in order with those that are relevant. First, however, we raise a general matter, which has long concerned us, but increasingly so in recent years — namely, our doubts about the fairness of the appeals procedure.

  Are the appeal procedures fair?

  We have discussed this with Judge Dunn in person, and in correspondence with Judge Hodge, and we understand their insistence on protecting the independence of the judiciary. But we are very concerned that decisions vary greatly according to the adjudicator who happens to be in charge, and sometimes according to the ethnic origin of the appellant. This has resulted in decisions we strongly believe to be unfair. We have had considerable experience of visiting detainees over the last nine years (even longer for some individual members), of providing sureties and attending appeal hearings. Of course we recognise that some stories are invented. Often this is easy to tell. But there are many whose histories of political/religious harassment, persecution and even torture we believe to be genuine, often from hard evidence, and their fears of return to be well-founded. In many cases we have seen the scars and symptoms of trauma. Yet many of these people have lost their appeals, been removed and then handed over to the authorities who had persecuted them.

  There are three points here. One is the alleged "culture of disbelief" which we are certain still exists. Adjudicators tend to accept the word of the HOPO against that of the detainee and his lawyer. Genuine birth certificates, obtained with great difficulty, as required by the court, have often been rejected in our hearing, on the grounds that they are "easily forged". Thus many adverse decisions appear to us from hard evidence to be unjust. Secondly, we see an apparent lack of humanitarian considerations in deciding to remove. (This is not the same as the routine consideration of human rights.) The third is the fact that the Immigration Service is in touch with the authorities in the receiving countries, and routinely hands individuals over to them.

  We are not asking you to look into individual cases. But I should like to cite several examples, out of many, in support of the above. We have the details of each individual, but I will not name them.

  A.  One Zimbabwean, who had been repeatedly tortured and suffered from acute PTSD, was removed against the advice of four doctors, including one from the Medical Foundation. He was escorted all the way, as he was so ill, handed over to the authorities in Harare and imprisoned there. We have now lost touch with him. This happened before the Home Secretary's temporary suspension of removal to Zimbabwe.

  B.  A Ghanaian had been politically harassed by the authorities, and fled, jumping into a poisoned lake. Two friends with him were drowned but he managed to struggle out and escape. The adjudicator at his first appeal refused to believe him on the grounds of a slight discrepancy in the times he gave for his escape from the lake, soaking wet, in the dark.

  C.  A Ugandan, who had been forcibly recruited as a child soldier and later released on health grounds, was forced back into the army to fight in the Congo. He refused to go, as his father was Congolese, and deserted. The army found him and beat him up mercilessly—he still suffers from chest pains—but he fled to UK. The adjudicator refused to believe any of his story about the army and rejected his appeal, in spite of evidence (which she quoted from an official document) that Ugandan parents complained of many young men being abducted by the army, against official government policy.

  D.  One Tanzanian from Pemba (Zanzibar) remained in detention for over a year, while his wife and four-year-old daughter were lost in the UK. They had gone missing from the custody of Immigration on the day they all first claimed asylum. He begged to be released, if only temporarily, to search for them (they spoke no English), but this was refused; the adjudicator rejected his asylum appeal as unfounded, in spite of a clear history of persecution and imprisonment for supporting the Zanzibar opposition. The Minister ordered his removal, in spite of the intervention of 29 MPs, who pleaded that he might never see his family again. He was absolutely desperate, resisted removal, and was carried on to the plane unconscious after being hit on the head by his guards.

  E.  A man from Cameroon, whose father, mother and brother had been assassinated (political) and his house destroyed, was suffering from severe trauma on arrival. The adjudicator refused to believe his story. He managed to obtain a photograph of the house, but this was rejected because the person who had taken it in Cameroon was not in court to verify it! He was moved around various centres, so it was difficult to keep in touch with him, but we believe he has been deported, though he was terrified of what would happen to him.

  F.  A Nigerian, who had seen his wife and children killed in riots, obtained bail last year from Haslar, having been moved there from Campsfield. But he was not believed by adjudicators, lost every stage of appeal, and was brought to Campsfield for removal, but, as happens so often, his file had been lost. He was sent to Tinsley House for one day, then to Haslar again. He is in great fear, and his visitor is very distressed for him, as she has known him for many months and is utterly convinced by his story.

  G.  An Ivorien, who had been persecuted on political grounds, lost his appeal. Although he was not sent to Cote d'lvoire because of the instability, he was flown to Mauritania, which refused to accept him, and he had to be flown back to UK, at great expense to the taxpayer. We understand he has now been deported, but we do not know where.

  H.  A Nigerian Catholic, who had been caught up in the Muslim-Christian riots in Kaduna in May 2000, had also lost his wife and child (feared dead) and had his home and business destroyed. He hid with his mother in the south, but fled for asylum here when some men came to her house looking for him. His most recent appeal, on human rights grounds, was rejected.

  I.  A 16-year-old Nigerian was about to be released from Campsfield to the care of Oxfordshire Social Services, who had accommodation for him, when he was suddenly moved to Dover, upsetting all the arrangements. This is an example where a sensible decision on appeal was frustrated by the actions of the Immigration Service.

  Both F and H, above, were told by adjudicators that they would be safe in another part of Nigeria, because it is "a big country". But, given (a) the widespread violence over the recent presidential elections (probably won by the incumbent Christian against his Muslim opponent), and (b) the ease of communication and the religious upheavals throughout Nigeria, it seems to us that this assumption is very untrustworthy.

  The extent to which recent reforms have improved the quality of the appeals process

  Recent changes include the emphasis on speed of decisions, the extension of fast-tracking, the projected removal of the right to judicial review, the extended requirements for visas, along with the re-introduced and extended list of countries from which claims are assumed to be unfounded. The amended Sections 54 and 55 reduce even further the right of appeal. Our contention is that all these have simply exacerbated the problems outlined above.

  1.  If decisions are made more hastily, the risk that they will be flawed or unjust is clearly increased.

  2.  Fast-tracking involves a very limited period to obtain crucial evidence from abroad; this is often impossible.

  3.  The right to Judicial Review has saved many refugees from being removed, and is an important constitutional check on the administration. (Adjudicators, unlike High Court judges, are appointed by the Home Office.)

  4.  It is clearly unjust to require people, especially from Zimbabwe, or Roma from the Czech Republic, to go the authorities that have persecuted them to request the passport they need to obtain a visa. Some are afraid even to approach the British High Commission for fear of possible informers and even of being seen in the capital. This requirement alone means that genuine refugees have to resort to the traffickers that government is trying to suppress.

  The list of countries for "unfounded" claims is a blanket attempt to rule out all refugees from these whether genuine or not. Yet many countries officially judged "safe" contain areas of severe violence and persecution. For example, although Zanzibar is officially part of the United Republic of Tanzania, and the mainland is relatively peaceful, the central government has little influence over the Marxist government in Zanzibar, and tends to condone the violence and political persecution that takes place on the islands.

  Furthermore, non-suspensive appeals are inherently unfair. If removal takes place while such an appeal is still pending, this reduces almost to nil their legal right of appeal. Many of our cases who have been sent back have been told that they can make another application from their "home" country, but they have no access to good legal advice and absolutely no funds to return here. Many have paid their entire family's savings to come in the first place, and cannot afford the fare or lawyers fees, while the visa requirement may be another barrier. So it is almost impossible for them to get back, and we have no record of any asylum seeker who has done so.

  Whether the relevant procedure rules properly balance justice and fairness with efficiency

  We have not seen the procedure rules, and therefore cannot comment on them. The first section above deals with fairness, but we can add some comments here on efficiency.

  Although there have been some improvements since the introduction of a flawed computer system, the department does not now seem to be making full use of it. Most appellants' files are stored as hard copies by the IND as well as by lawyers. This would not matter if they were efficiently handled, but they are not. We know of countless cases where the files have been sent by the IND to the wrong court, or have gone missing. This causes numerous adjournments, which are costly not only to the government but also to the lawyers whose time is wasted, and are very distressing to appellants, their sureties and supporters.

  Secondly, many hearings are adversely affected by the non-appearance of the HOPO. Some adjudicators adjourn in such a case, but others have been known to proceed without Home Office representation. We recommend that the Committee should investigate court files to obtain figures of these unnecessary adjournments.

  Thirdly, a number of appellants who have lost their appeals are removed to countries which refuse to accept them and send them back at the IND's expense. This is usually because the Dept has failed to obtain clearance from the receiving country—which has happened to many Nigerians. Or, when people cannot be sent back to, say, Sierra Leone or Somalia, for policy reasons, they may be sent elsewhere, either on the alleged grounds that they falsified their true nationality, or that they fled here from a country not their own and should go back to it. Sometimes such countries seem to be chosen at random. Recently an Ivorien was sent to, and refused entry by, Mauritania.

  In all these cases, we believe that all these examples of inefficiency could be eradicated without any sacrifice of fairness

  Whether there is sufficient availability and provision both of legal advice and representation and of interpretation facilities in asylum and immigration cases

  There is not. We have struggled for years to help detainees and appellants secure satisfactory legal advice and representation. The problems are twofold: (a) the shortage of efficient, qualified lawyers willing and able to undertake immigration work; and (b) the profusion of inefficient and unqualified advisers, who sometimes represent themselves as solicitors when they are not, and who often charge exorbitant fees.

  The situation has been improved considerably by the Immigration Services Commissioner, who has instituted a system of registration and acts on complaints. Unregistered lawyers may not be eligible for legal aid, and therefore often charge excessive fees, without which they refuse to take instructions. We have complained successfully about several bad "lawyers". But in Campsfield, for example, detainees often choose inefficient reps, either because they are fellow-countrymen or because they have been picked up a name from the centre's grapevine. We believe that one lawyer is guilty of asking detainees and even visitors to recruit clients for her.

  On interpretation facilities, we have found that these are usually satisfactory at appeals, but sometimes bilingual appellants who choose to speak in their own language have complained that the interpretation is unsatisfactory. We are very concerned, however, over the lack of adequate interpretation within Campsfield, when detainees need to speak to their lawyers or their visitors. As a result, the lawyers may represent them at appeals without having been properly briefed.

27 April 2003





 
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