Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Evidence submitted by the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants (JCWI)(AIA 12)

COMMITTEE ON THE LORD CHANCELLOR'S DEPARTMENT INQUIRY ON ASYLUM AND IMMIGRATION APPEALS

  JCWI is the leading, independent voluntary organisation working in the field of immigration, asylum and nationality law and policy. Established in 1967, JCWI provides expert legal advice and representation, runs training courses for solicitors and other practitioners, and undertakes research and analysis in all areas of immigration, asylum and nationality law and policy.

1.  THE EXTENT TO WHICH RECENT REFORMS HAVE PRODUCED ANY SIGNIFICANT EFFICIENCY SAVINGS AND/OR IMPROVED THE QUALITY OF THE APPEALS PROCESS

  JCWI is very concerned with the way in which the appeals system has evolved in recent years. The possibility of providing a genuine forum for reviewing evidence and bringing a fresh mind to consider issues with rules and restrictions that work against exhaustive inquiry into the substantial nature of the facts. Our recommendation for a simplification of appeal procedures and a return to its originally envisaged role as a user friendly forum for appellants and for a more strongly developed culture of human rights to prevail across the system.

  "Reforms" over the past decade have overhauled the immigration and asylum legal regime on no less than five occasions (including the incorporation of the European Convention of Human Rights in domestic law which affects immigration and asylum law). JCWI is of the opinion that the frequency and speed by which the legislation has been changed in the past decade constitute one of the problems in terms of efficiency. There is a culture within the Home Office to change practice and procedure if it does not have the immediate desired effect, and the frequent changes have caused the system to become ineffective, inefficient and confusing. Legislation when enacted should be given time to work. Recent reforms in terms of non-asylum and asylum appeals in general, heralded an over complex system which has proved to be largely unworkable.

  The one stop appeal system, introduced by the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999 provides appellants with a single right of appeal and has tended to give such appeals an artificial character. The working of the "one-stop" system has confused all involved with it. It has unnecessary repetitions in its processes requiring disclosure by appellants of all their grounds for entering or staying in the UK preventing them from raising grounds late by a system of certificates. Supposedly one stop appeals were meant to offer appellants a "comprehensive" right of appeal in which all pertinent issues are dealt with in order to avoid any sequential appeal rights. However, in practice this has affected quality decision-making, forcing appellants to make projections of the future, rather than focusing on the issues that are in contention at that moment in time.

  Another prominent ailment of the current appeal system is its shift from relative informality to a much more formal forum, resembling a heavy-weight judicial process, caused by an over-complex system and its too legalistic approach. The strict interpretation of the Geneva and Human Rights Conventions, as well as a complex and ever-evolving body of case law, which now also includes jurisprudence from jurisdictions outside the UK, has forced appellants to seek legal advice rather than representing themselves. Yet, despite best intentions, there has been no marked improvement in the quality of initial decisions, and the process is still rife with delay, especially in non-asylum cases. In addition, there is no guarantee to legal advice and representation, and legal advice appears to be short in supply (especially in the regions outside London).

  The government has made it very clear in the past, but even more so recently, that it intends to reduce the number of asylum claims in the UK by implementing an ever more restrictive approach to asylum. In order to achieve this goal, the legislative measures brought into effect have focused on speedy, rather than just decision-making. The Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 has implemented the most draconian legislation so far, and devised measures within the appeal system aimed at the speed of decision-making, but neglecting the important principles within any legal system of fairness and justice.

  Placing speed at the forefront of the appeal system, has created a situation where the system no longer enjoys the trust of the public it is meant to serve. If speeding up asylum applications and appeals was to have the effect of efficiency savings, then surely the past would have shown that this is an illogical presumption. The implementation of the one-stop procedure has not markedly improved the disposal of appeals. The certification categories in the 1999 Act resulted in many certified decisions being overturned by an adjudicator, or if upheld, overturned at judicial review. Speedy decision-making will always be at the cost of quality decision-making. The initial decision making process is flawed, which means that an ineffective decision will be at contention at an appeal hearing, causing undue delay.

  Our view is that the inescapable logic of fast-track is that there will also be a "slow-track". Speeding up the asylum decision-making process will mean that this will be at cost of other appeals.

  JCWI also has concerns about the new statutory review provisions under the 2002 Act which only allows for appeals to be considered on the papers. At the moment it is difficult to assess how this will work out in practice. We are aware that statutory review applications are not strictly analogous to paper applications for leave for judicial review because in the latter case it is possible to renew an application if refused with an oral hearing and even an appeal to the Court of Appeal. This will not be possible with the statutory review proceedings. We would therefore hope that judges will exercise the greatest caution when considering statutory review cases, and in these circumstances acknowledge that in cases of reasonable doubt the finding should be in favour of the appellant. However, if the refusal rate comes to match that of paper judicial review applications, we would be concerned that the interests of justice were not being properly served.

2.  THE COSTS TO PUBLIC FUNDS OF SUPPORTING NEW APPEAL STRUCTURES, SUCH AS THE ASYLUM SUPPORT ADJUDICATORS, AND OF SUPPORTING THE EXTENSION OF LEGAL AID

  JCWI is of the view that the implementation of new appeal structures and complicating those already in place has led and will further lead to increased public expense. In recent years, the Immigration Appellate Authority (IAA) has expanded its resources to mirror the government's efforts to relieve the south-east of the "asylum burden". However, resources for the asylum seekers themselves still seem to be in London and the south-east in the main: legal representation, interpreters, medical facilities specific to the needs of asylum seekers as well as communities. Dispersal has proved at times to be an impracticable measure for many appellants, who normally have no financial means and who may rely on attendance of other witnesses, to say nothing of the great inconvenience experienced by representatives and interpreters who incur long attendance hours and extensive travel costs.

  Support ought to be based on need, not on whether someone is the "ideal" (in the eyes of the Home Office) asylum seeker. There would be no need for asylum support adjudicators if claims for support were assessed as such. Resources should be available to where there is a need for them. The fact that Section 55 decisions are not subject to a hearing renders the whole system of asylum support adjudicators meaningless and will simply prompt numerous judicial reviews, impacting on the efficiency of the Administrative Court.

  JCWI welcomes the extension of legal aid to cover representation at appeals, however, we are concerned that the merits test is too restrictive, and for that reason many appellants still find themselves unrepresented.

  The government is currently focused on reducing numbers, disposal and expediency and recent legislation is an obvious reflection of that focus. As far as JCWI is concerned, this focus on expediency undermines the interests of justice and will not be cost effective. Oakington for example, which was set up to deal with fast track cases, is costing the taxpayer £18,000 per applicant (source: IAS). Many of the Oakington generated cases were still in the appeals system long after they were supposed to be disposed of according to Home Office plans. It is likely that the Home Office's new project at Harmondsworth will also be a drain on the public purse but without generating the benefits the Home Office hopes to achieve, ie a quick turnover of appeals. Due to the restricted time limits to bring a case it is more than likely that initial decisions will be flawed causing delays at appeal hearings to sort out the mess.

  Non-suspensive appeals from abroad will add to the expenditure of video links and conferencing.

  It should be obvious that to reduce the cost of the appeal process as a whole would need a simplification of procedures.

3.  THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE IMMIGRATION APPELLATE AUTHORITIES COULD BE MADE MORE EFFICIENT, WITHOUT SACRIFICING FAIRNESS

  JCWI has raised concerns in the past that the IAA often appeared to enjoy too close a relationship with the Home Office. The IAA's function is judicial and central to the notion of a democratic society that separation of powers should be maintained. The nature of the IAA has certainly become more complex in recent years. Comparing the IAA with other tribunal systems, such as the employment tribunals, the IAA does not adjudicate between two (more or less) equal civil parties, but in all cases has the state as one of the parties in dispute. Therefore it is all the more important that the IAA should operate freely as an arbiter, against clearly defined canons of law, and without favour. It is our view that the current system is weakened by the Home Office treating asylum cases in particular as an extension of the determination process. Certification, "white list" cases are prime examples. Before such a case even reaches a court it is predetermined that such cases are (clearly or manifestly) unfounded, triggering tighter deadlines to make a claim, or an appeal, with limited appeal rights, or appeal rights that are "non-suspensive". Such cases are prejudged as bound to fail, and the IAA therefore has limited scope to adjudicate merits properly. Public confidence in the system depends upon its perceived independence.

  The general institutionalised attitude toward asylum seekers and immigrants ought to change. The official rhetoric focuses on "bogus", "abusive", "economic migrants" and the ethos and training of Home Office staff seem to work toward exclusion. There is a pervasive culture of disbelief within the system and little respect for the trauma and fear surrounding asylum seekers. This makes it all the more necessary for adequate legal representation from the outset. The extreme focus on credibility and the culture of disbelief slows down the appeal process. The Immigration and Nationality Directorate ought to focus, as should the IAA in instances, on fundamental issues, not peripheral detail.

  Poor quality decision making is prominent throughout the system. This is caused by the sheer volume of cases, produced by backlogs in both Home Office and IAA, delays, and rise in applications. To a great extent this is a matter for the Home Office, however is a feature too of the IAA. Initial decision making should be improved, and would be if all applicants were in fact represented from the outset of the asylum procedure. JCWI believes that applicants should be accompanied by a legal representative at interviews (that is if they are able to instruct one prior). It is now upon the appellant to make a claim as soon as they arrive in the country, when they do they may be detained, dispersed to areas outside London, or required to report for interview in a matter of days. This prevents applicants from access to legal advice, leading to the majority of applicants being unrepresented. When lawyers do accompany their clients to interviews, they are prevented from actual contributions to the process. There must be an acknowledgement on the part of the Home Office and the Immigration Service, as there is on the part of the police, that the role of a good adviser is to assist all parties by intervening where necessary and directing the course of the interview where appropriate.

4.  WHETHER THE RELEVANT PROCEDURE RULES PROPERLY BALANCE FAIRNESS AND JUSTICE WITH EFFICIENCY

  The relevant procedure rules have sought to extend the procedures that focus on the disposal of asylum and non-asylum appeals rather than on serving the interests of justice. The recent Immigration and Asylum (Procedure) Rules 2003 is a prime example of this notion. This has made the IAA inflexible. We are particularly concerned that the recent 2003 Procedure Rules include a statutory "closure date" by which an appeal has to be heard without the possibility of any adjournments after this date has passed. This not only prevents justice, but it fails to take into account that it is frequently not due to the appellant or his/her representative that there is delay. From our experience, the Home Office has been known to ignore directions, to fail to provide a presenting officer at hearing, or to ignore issues that were brought to their attention prior to any appeal taking place. We are of the view that adjournments always should be given if it serves justice. To completely bar adjournments undermines this principle.

  In addition adjudicators should use their powers to sanction the Home Office more often in case of non-compliance.

  The 2003 Procedure Rules also introduce a reduced time limit to appeal in detained cases. Just because a person is detained, this does not automatically mean that the merits of the claim warrant a tighter deadline. Detained people already face obstacles in obtaining competent legal advice and representation. The tightened deadline will exacerbate this problem.

5.  WHETHER THERE IS SUFFICIENT AVAILABILITY AND PROVISION BOTH OF LEGAL ADVICE AND REPRESENTATION AND OF INTERPRETATION FACILITIES FOR APPELLANTS IN ASYLUM AND IMMIGRATION CASES

  There is no guarantee of legal representations and many find themselves without at non-asylum and asylum appeals. Over-complicated procedures effectively prohibit a person from representing themselves.

  People who are detained find it even more difficult to access competent legal advice, yet they are subject to even tighter deadlines. Many lawyers are reluctant to represent those in detention because of the added travel and attendance costs, the stricter time scales, and the presumption that if someone is detained their case may lack in merit.

  The implementation of accelerated procedures has a detrimental effect on issues such as access to quality legal advice and decision-making. Having tightened the legal aid merits test, this will only make matters worse.

  Legal advice and interpreting services are still mainly London-based. Approximately 30% of asylum cases have representation emanating from London. The regions have received increased resources for the Home Office and IAA but are unable to keep up with advice services in response to increased demand.

  In terms of interpreting services it is known that both the IAA and the Home Office have to work with a limited pool of interpreters, especially in the regions, resulting in the same interpreters who work for the Home Office appearing in appeal hearings and vice versa. This does not serve justice!

6.  THE EXTENT TO WHICH "NON-SUSPENSIVE" APPEALS PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE RIGHT OF APPEAL

  JCWI is extremely concerned about the non-suspensive appeal rights implemented by the 2002 Act. Once again, speed rather than fairness has been made a priority. To rely on a presumption of safety in certain asylum cases is a dangerous notion. In-country appeal rights ought to be an essential safeguard, a court ought to rule on a removal, based on individual merit to prevent people being returned to countries where they may be at risk. We are of the view that all cases in which there is an issue of protection, should trigger an appeal right from within the UK.

  An appeal right from abroad will provide real obstacles to appellants in terms of legal advice and representation, even if they do have representation, there will be obstacles in terms of contact between appellant and lawyer, evidence gathering, taking statements etc.

  A right of appeal from abroad flies in the face of basic principles of law and human rights, and breaches the UK's obligations under the 1951 Geneva Convention and the European Convention of Human Rights.

JCWI'S CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS:

    —  Early access to legal advice will speed up the process and leads to better quality decision making from the outset. There should be a guarantee to legal advice from the outset.

    —  The current appeal system is not sufficiently user-friendly and too complex which means that only expert lawyers, adjudicators and Presenting Officers can deal with cases substantively. Training on all fronts should be improved. The quality is too uneven.

    —  IAA Adjudicators and Tribunal members should be recruited for their expertise, their understanding of human rights issues and their cultural awareness. Too many appointments are of low calibre.

    —  If the IAA is to function effectively as a truly independent decision-making body it must have a wider jurisdiction. It must be able, where appropriate, to review discretion and to make recommendations that carry more weight.

    —  The government is wedded to the retention of fast track (expedited) appeals, at the same time indicating a desire to speed up the rate of disposal of all appeals. This is an acknowledgement of failure. The inescapable logic of fast-track is that there will also be a "slow-track".

    —  The IAA and the Home Office should only focus on issues that are in contention at the time, rather that having to look at issues that may be at play in the future as and when removal takes place. One stop appeals are too artificial which detract from the quality of decision making.

    —  We are convinced that attempts to speed up the system by curtailing rights of appeal will backfire: in the past, fast-track appeals could simply leapfrog the IAT to Judicial Review. The fast-track system should be scrapped as it is based on, amongst other things, nationality, which is a deeply discriminatory as well as an inefficient system.

    —  Fast-tracked applications are prejudged as bound to fail, and the IAA therefore has limited scope to adjudicate merits properly.

    —  If wasteful reliance on the IAA is to be avoided, opportunities must be made for appellants and representatives to address issues of concern with the Home Office before a final decision. Matters in issue ought to be addressed between the parties before the hearing. Far too much court time is wasted going over issues that need not be in contention. The problem is that a representative cannot know whether everything raised remains an issue or whether certain matters, whether or not specifically addressed in the Home Office's refusal letter or explanatory statement may be taken as agreed.

    —  The role of Home Office Presenting Officers must be clarified. They must have the authority to concede points or entire cases, where appropriate.

    —  The overriding emphasis given by the Home Office to questions of credibility in turn puts credibility at the heart of the adjudicator's deliberation and undermines their judicial function.

    —  Appeals should not be disposed of "on the papers" if the principal issue to be resolved is the Home Office's allegations of an appellant's credibility. In addition, appellants should have the right to be heard in all circumstances.

    —  The nature of the IAA's decision making should also be clarified in terms of the date on which matters are considered. Currently, a distinction exists between asylum and non-asylum appeals. At asylum appeals, the facts in issue are those at the date of the hearing, whereas in non-asylum appeals it is at the date of the respondent's decision. The logic of this distinction is hard to understand. For example, in many family settlement appeals against entry clearance refusals, the appeal looks to the future as much as it does in asylum appeals. In asylum appeals future risk upon return to the country of persecution is assessed. By the same token, in non-asylum appeals, post decision facts should be admissible in appropriate cases.

    —  Adjudicators should make more use of powers to make directions on both parties, including the Home Office who is given directions far less and often ignores them. Adjudicator's must also be given clearer powers and be encouraged to use them to invoke sanctions against the Home Office for non-compliance with directions, as they may do against appellants.

    —  We are of the view that adjournments always should be given if it serves justice. To completely bar adjournments will undermine this principle.

    —  Time limits are too short to permit justice and must be reviewed. This especially relates to fast track cases.

Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants

April 2003





 
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