Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 322 - 334)

TUESDAY 2 DECEMBER 2003

WINSTON RODDICK QC AND PROFESSOR TIMOTHY H JONES

  Q322 Chairman: Mr Roddick and Professor Jones, we are very grateful to you for coming to give evidence to us and for accepting the surprise we sprang on you by having made faster progress this morning than originally we had timetabled, which is very helpful to the Committee. First of all, Mr Roddick, are you still in post at the National Assembly?

  Mr Roddick: No, I am not. I am back at the Bar.

Chairman: Your experience will be very helpful to us indeed.

  Q323 Ross Cranston: Can I ask you about devolution issues and where they should be handled, in the Privy Council or in the new supreme court? In your written evidence, for example, Professor Jones, you have taken a rather robust view. You said that really it is because of the Scots and their particular concerns that one would contemplate leaving devolution issues with the Privy Council and it would be much better to put them with the supreme court. Could you talk us through that?

  Professor Jones: Yes. I think that there never was a particularly Welsh argument for making use of the Privy Council, and there is no particular sensitivity in Wales about cases going to the House of Lords, that is what we are familiar with, so there is not really a great deal to say on that particular point. Clearly, there are greater sensitivities in Scotland, particularly in relation to criminal cases, which have never gone to the House of Lords.

  Q324 Ross Cranston: Let me put the question negatively. Is there anyone that you know in Wales that takes the view that it ought to be with the Privy Council?

  Professor Jones: Not that I am aware of, no.

  Mr Roddick: I can say that I have not heard anyone in Wales express the view that devolution issues should remain anomalously with the Privy Council when all other legal issues would go to the supreme court.

  Q325 Ross Cranston: Can I move on then to the composition of the supreme court and whether or not there should be territorial representation, and in particular from Wales. Clearly, already there are judges, and I am thinking of Lord Justice Thomas, for example, on the Court of Appeal, who has a very strong Welsh background, there are others as well, but should there be a slot for someone with that sort of close identity with Wales and, if so, what is the argument?

  Professor Jones: I think that is the crucial issue, in a way, from the Welsh point of view. That is what we are putting forward. First of all, I think there is a simple argument of equality, that if the other nations of the United Kingdom are securing representation as of right on the supreme court of the United Kingdom then the Welsh dimension should be respected as well.

  Q326 Ross Cranston: There are very few devolution cases. What additional dimension would a "Welsh judge" bring to the great body of litigation considered by the court?

  Professor Jones: The law of Wales is not identical in all respects to the law of England. That difference has increased considerably as a result of devolution, but there are pre-devolution statutes which would give a different aspect too. A second issue relates particularly to the Welsh language, of course. The fact is that within the courts in Wales the Welsh language has equal status with English, and I think that does raise particular issues which I think you may want to explore as well.

  Mr Roddick: May I add my own answer to that, Professor Cranston. Not to compose the supreme court in the way suggested by Professor Jones would be to ignore and disregard the principles of devolution and the reasons why there has been devolution to Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales. The wider constitutional background against which these proposals to set up a supreme court should be looked at and the question which you pose, from my respectful view, should be considered against that broader constitutional background changing. Professor Jones has referred to some of them, but undoubtedly it is the case that the law in Wales now is becoming significantly different in a number of respects from the law in England. The best way to make that point is to refer to just two years. In the year 2003 up to 8 July there were 1,100 statutory instruments made by the National Assembly for Wales, 700 or so of those were general statutory instruments, in other words, had general application throughout Wales. Over 30% of those were peculiar to Wales and would have been different from the equivalent instrument made for England. Therefore it cannot be assumed any longer that the law that runs in England runs also in Wales. The law itself is different but it is the reasons why the law is different which I think is the real reason why the composition of the supreme court, and those who appoint the members of the supreme court, should contain a Welsh presence. It is not the jurisdiction but the differences between the four nations, social, economic, cultural, legal, those are all the reasons from which devolution proceeded, those differences between the four nations in the United Kingdom. When you couple with that the vast changes that are occurring in the law, it seems to me that to leave out a judge from that background is to treat Wales differently from, for example, Northern Ireland.

  Q327 Ross Cranston: I am not unsympathetic with the argument. I think the stronger argument though is the second one. I think you can draw comfort from other federal systems, like Canada and Australia, where there is a strong argument that, say, Victoria ought to have a representative, or Saskatchewan ought to have a representative, not so much because the law is different in those jurisdictions, obviously it is, but it is more the sort of social argument, that if you do have a United Kingdom with a number of different systems then there should be representation. The next question is, who? How do you identify a Welsh judge? I gave the example of Lord Justice Thomas, but we talk about England and Wales, we admit people to practise in England and Wales, will they have to attend a kind of law school, or how do you identify this Welsh judge?

  Mr Roddick: Can I give you my own definition of that. I do not think that identifying a Welsh judge is likely to be a problem at all. By Welsh judge I would mean one with a sufficient connection with Wales and sufficient familiarity and knowledge of it, such that he, or she, would be sensitive to its different social, cultural, historical, political and economic circumstances. I can think of a number of judges who would fit that broad definition, either because they were born in Wales and fit that wider definition, you yourself have mentioned one, Lord Justice Thomas, and then there is Lord Justice Pill, as well, in the Court of Appeal. All the Presiding Judges of the Wales and Chester Circuit, High Court judges, who have become presiding judges of the Wales and Chester Circuits in recent years, fit that description, and they are all serving judges at the moment. They are Mr Justice Stephen Richards, Mr Justice Pitchford, Mr Justice Maurice Kay and Mr Justice Roderick Evans. If I had to go further back into the past to see the treasure trove from which we can take judges who fit this description, you would have had Lord Edmund-Davies, Lord Elwyn-Jones, Lord Justice Tasker Watkins, are names which immediately come to mind. So I do not think the question of identifying who and what is a Welsh judge is likely to cause any practical difficulty.

  Q328 Chairman: Both of you, in different ways, have developed the argument that there is growing in Wales if not a different legal system a different corpus of the law and therefore something which requires recognition. Although a moment ago you were concentrating on the social, cultural, economic arguments for Wales being represented in the supreme court, I wonder how far you see the secondary legislation of the Welsh Assembly, for example, overcoming the traditional close ties between England and Wales in the law? The very large common statutory inheritance, the fact that even judicial administration boundaries do not correspond to the national boundary. You referred a moment ago to the leaders of the Wales and Chester Circuit, and, of course, in many respects, North Wales has been run legally from Chester for as long as anyone can remember. Is this really significant and is it going to change a practice which, since the Tudors, has amalgamated Welsh and English law, practice and profession?

  Professor Jones: I think I would approach it from the other direction, in that clearly Wales is a jurisdiction which is emerging from England and Wales at present, and representation on the supreme court would add impetus to that process which is already going on. I think it would be a pity at this particular moment, when the structure of a possible supreme court is being considered, if the opportunity were lost, because I am not quite sure that the opportunity is going to come round again in anything like the short term. I think perhaps the issues about the differences in the law, and so on, are probably ones that Mr Roddick is better qualified to answer than I am.

  Mr Roddick: The administration of justice, as you recognise in your question, is not a devolved function, but the administration of justice is so adapting itself in Wales as to reflect Wales's post-devolution status, and one sees more and more these changes gradually taking place. When Lord Bingham, who was then the Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, opened the Mercantile Court in Cardiff in the year 2000, he said this: "This Court represents the long-overdue recognition of the need for the Principality of Wales to have its own indigenous institutions, operating locally and meeting the needs of its citizens here. This Court is another step towards recognising Wales as a proud, distinctive and successful nation." The recognition of the institutional evolution that is taking place now in the administration of justice in Wales is present within that statement by the Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales as recently as 2000. There is that shift towards the administration of justice in Wales being treated differently, though it is not at the moment. There is an Administrative Court for Wales, set up post-devolution, the Court of Appeal Civil Division and Criminal Division sit regularly in Cardiff since devolution. There has been appointed to the High Court a judge so fluent in the Welsh language that he can conduct a trial in Welsh or English without translation, according to the wishes of the parties, since devolution. The Employment Appeal Tribunal now has said it will not hear its cases concerning Wales out of Wales, again in the future, so that the Welsh Language Act can run in all its cases. Those are some of the changes which are occurring in the institutions of the administration of justice in Wales very gradually. It is true that the boundaries of the Wales and Chester Circuits do not correspond to the boundaries of Wales, but post-devolution I am sure that will be looked at again, because it is the only anomaly in the administration of justice in the whole of England and Wales, in that it does not correspond to the police areas. Therefore, you have government being administered for one purpose according to one set of boundaries, and administered for another purpose according to a separate set of boundaries, and that makes for, some would argue, poor governance. There is that trend to develop towards a more distinct administration of justice in Wales and, if I may echo the words of Professor Jones, it will be a pity if the opportunity is not taken to address that when setting up the supreme court.

  Q329 Chairman: Should the First Minister to the National Assembly for Wales have a consultation role in appointments to the supreme court, or indeed to any other?

  Mr Roddick: In my view, most certainly. According to what I have read coming out of the Lord Chancellor's Department and the Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs Department recently, it is envisaged there would be that consultation. It would be odd in the extreme, if I might suggest, if the First Minister to the National Assembly for Wales were not consulted, if the proposal is that the equivalents within Northern Ireland and Scotland are to be consulted. The consultation would have to be with the Assembly but the Assembly would keep to delegate that to the First Minister.

Chairman: We will turn to the Welsh Language Act. I had better declare an interest as a not very fluent Welsh-speaker.

  Q330 Dr Whitehead: I have no interests to declare since I know not a word of Welsh, I am afraid. The Welsh Language Act allows both counsel and litigants, I think, to address courts in Welsh, if they are sitting in Wales. Logically, if a case then went to the new supreme court the person addressing that court conceivably could address that in Welsh, assuming the origin of the case had been in Wales. Is that something, Professor Jones, you would advocate? If so, how might such a measure be accommodated?

  Professor Jones: I think the logic is there, in that, if the Welsh language is being used in the case in Wales, if that case proceeds to the supreme court of the United Kingdom then they should be able to speak in the language of their first choice. I think that specific legislative provision would be necessary to that end, because at the moment the Welsh Courts Act, and of course the Welsh Language Act, apply only to courts sitting in Wales, so there would have to be specific provision in the arrangements for the supreme court.

  Q331 Dr Whitehead: I am trying to puzzle out though what those arrangements might look like and the extent to which a litigant might consider that they had been adequately or well dealt with until the case left Wales and not dealt with well thereafter. My first thought on this is that it would be very difficult to dispel that possible perception entirely, bearing in mind, of course, that, although, as you said, there is an increasing suggestion that judges in Wales ought to be bilingual, it would be very difficult to conceive of an idea where, in order to accommodate the possibility of a case coming before the supreme court from Wales, all the judges in the supreme court should have similar facilities?

  Mr Roddick: I agree that if the case is held out of Wales the Welsh Language Act does not run. That was the very reason which led to the case of Cowell v Williams and which caused the Employment Appeal Tribunal to change its practice by now sitting in Wales. Now, if the High Court can sit in Wales, the Court of Appeal can sit in Wales and the Employment Appeal Tribunal can sit in Wales, why cannot the supreme court sit in Wales every now and then? If it were to do so, it would be a matter of right to use the Welsh language in the case, and I would not think for a moment that the members of the supreme court would say, "No, we won't sit in Wales, as a matter of principle." If it were to sit in Wales there would be no difficulty at all in making arrangements for the proceedings, or such part of them as the witness or the party wishes, to be heard in Welsh, just as they have the right now if the Court of Appeal were to sit in Wales. If such provision is not made or there is not that flexibility in the supreme court that it cannot sit outside of England then primary legislation would be required. I enable parties and witnesses to use the Welsh language in the proceedings.

  Q332 Dr Whitehead: I take the point in terms of the possibility geographically that a court could sit in Wales and thereby, as it were, accommodate itself to the legislation. I was rather thinking of the points that Professor Jones has made, in terms of the nature of the judiciary in Wales, or, shall we say, the prospective nature of the judiciary in Wales, the emerging nature of the judiciary in Wales, there being an increasing desideratum that Welsh judges should be bilingual. Of course, even there, a supreme court to take itself to Wales, then still it would not be comprehending, as it were, what was going on, other than through translation. I imagine that there could be an argument that was not as good as hearing a case where the person listening to the case was fully conversant with the point that was being made. Certainly I think we can recall a number of famous international incidents where translators have guided international statesmen and stateswomen into conclusions that otherwise they might not have drawn. Jimmy Carter, for example, springs to mind?

  Mr Roddick: The quality of the translation service in Wales is excellent and I am sure there would be no scandals of that sort, of witnesses and the court being misled by the interpreter inputting his own views or evidence. It is right that the quality of the testimony loses something when you have to translate, but it is something with which the courts of England and Wales are long used to, because a number of people who are not good in English give evidence, day in, day out, and the court has to rely on translators, juries have to rely on it. There are certain instances, but more at first instance, where you have a jury, for example, where the court can be placed at a very serious disadvantage, if the evidence is given through a translator. If you have a very young child, for example, giving evidence of molestation, and many of the young children in Wales go to Welsh primary schools and have not yet developed the maturity to speak English because they have not been out in the English environment, and therefore their first language is Welsh. This has happened, these are not hypothetical cases. A child tells her story in Welsh and needs to be able to tell that story in Welsh in court, otherwise the prosecution is seriously disadvantaged in having to rely on an adult telling the child's story. The demeanour of the child is an all-important part of the prosecution's case on credibility, and if you do not have that facility you are seriously disadvantaging the prosecution, and it happens.

  Q333 Chairman: Do you think there should be built into this system, within the supreme court, a right to insist on either a hearing in Wales, in order to secure the availability of the Welsh language facilities, or simply a right comparable to that which exists within Wales under the Welsh Language Act?

  Mr Roddick: The legislation setting up the supreme court should contain sufficient flexibility to enable the supreme court to sit in Wales, in circumstances where there is a call for the use of the Welsh language.

  Q334 Chairman: Does that not give the party who is concerned about the Welsh language, whether it is the defence or the principal prosecution witness, too little say in the matter? The supreme court might find it inconvenient to sit in Wales on this particular case, even though it was of considerable importance to one party or the other that they could choose the language?

  Mr Roddick: Essentially, this is a political question, and I approach it with some trepidation, therefore, because it is a political question. I express an entirely personal view and not one as the civil servant which I was previously, as the Counsel General, so it is an entirely personal view. It is that there, ought to be, a right to insist, from one or other or both parties who wish to have a case heard before the Supreme Court, a requirement for it to sit in Wales, so that they may use the Welsh language in the course of the proceedings, as a matter of right.

Chairman: Thank you very much. We are very grateful to you both and hope to take advantage of the things you have told us as we prepare our report. Many thanks.





 
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