Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Fifth Report


Conclusions and recommendations

Introduction

1.  Because the draft Bill does not contain the detail of the current proposals, which would instead be set out in secondary legislation and in the General Criminal Contract issued by the Legal Services Commission, we recommend that prior to the introduction of a Bill a draft of the secondary legislation should be published for consultation. The structure of our inquiry and report has been affected by this lack of detail. Instead of scrutinising a finalised set of proposals, our inquiry and report have focused on posing questions which the Government will need to address before introducing a Bill. (Paragraph 6)

2.  We acknowledge that the rising cost of the Criminal Defence Service must be addressed and commend the Department for Constitutional Affairs for attempting to achieve this. We agree with the principle that defendants who can afford to pay their legal costs should do so. Nevertheless, the Consultation Paper leaves a number of key questions unanswered and we are concerned that reintroducing means testing in the ways proposed could give rise to practical difficulties which outweigh any cost savings likely to be achieved. (Paragraph 8)

Rising costs of the Criminal Defence Service

3.  We ask the Legal Services Commission to estimate the effects of changes in times of payments and the introduction of a system of payments on account on the figures for the cost of Very High Cost Criminal Cases. (Paragraph 23)

4.  We hope that the Fundamental Legal Aid Review will enable the Department to identify the major factors which have caused the increase in Criminal Defence Service expenditure. The financial savings sought by the draft Bill will only be achieved if initiatives target these major cost drivers. We are concerned that the current proposals have not been integrated with the Review. (Paragraph 40)

5.  We recommend that the Department should ensure that initiatives rolled out by other Departments, especially the Home Office, are properly costed so that their impact on the Criminal Defence Service budget can be taken into account. This is an essential feature of 'joined up Government' and needs to be done so that the Government can consider the causes of rising costs, rather than merely relying on the Department to tackle the symptoms. (Paragraph 46)

Transfer of grant of representation

6.  Although we acknowledge the reason for the Department's desire to obtain greater control of the Criminal Defence Service budget by transferring responsibility for grant from the courts to the Legal Services Commission, we consider that the current proposals fail to address a number of key questions. These include: (Paragraph 87)

  • Whether, in practice, the Legal Services Commission and solicitors are better placed to apply the interests of justice test than the courts;
  • When the test should be applied: if done prior to the case it may give rise to delays—or if done retrospectively the question arises of who should bear the risk;
  • How conflicts of interest arising from the transfer from costs to solicitors, which could threaten the interests of the defendant and/or the envisaged savings to the Criminal Defence Service, could be avoided;
  • What impact the proposals would have on the volume of representation orders granted or on Criminal Defence Service expenditure and whether this would outweigh the substantial downstream costs of the transfer.

7.  Given the importance of the interests of justice test, any change to its application should be made in a transparent manner, capable of scrutiny, rather than by means of amendments to the General Criminal Contract. Even if some courts were applying the test inappropriately, we see no reason why this could not be rectified by the Department issuing appropriate guidance to the courts or by introducing a Bill which would change the wording of the interests of justice test as set out in the Access to Justice Act. (Paragraph 94)

8.  If these proposals were to be implemented, we consider it essential that there should be an expeditious right of appeal to the courts or an independent tribunal and that the courts should be given a fallback power to grant legal aid, in exceptional circumstances, where the interests of justice so require. (Paragraph 104)

Means testing

9.  Two of the proposed models rely on the collection of contributions, which we have been told solicitors may not be willing to do. The only model which does not require contributions to be collected imposes an arbitrary cut off point, based on an undefined notion of gross "household income and capital", and takes no account of defendants' expenses. We consider there to be a significant risk that defendants who could not in practice afford to pay for their own legal representation would be denied representation under these proposals, even if the interests of justice required them to be legally represented, leading to the possibility of a challenge under the Human Rights Act. (Paragraph 136)

10.  Reintroducing means testing will undoubtedly cause delays. We consider there to be a significant risk that these proposals would, therefore, have an adverse impact on other initiatives designed to increase the efficiency of the Criminal Justice System in general, such as the Effective Trial Management Programme and the work of the Criminal Procedure Rules Committee, which represent an opportunity to generate more sustainable savings to the overall cost of criminal justice. The Department will need to demonstrate how these problems are to be avoided. (Paragraph 155)

11.  We do not think these proposals have been properly costed. The Department has produced no convincing evidence demonstrating that reintroducing means testing would result in substantial cost savings, particularly because they have failed to consider the downstream impact on the Court Service. In view of past experience we see no evidence to suggest that these proposals will save significant funds unless they do so by deterring sufficient numbers of people from applying for legal aid. Even if they did, they would not be desirable to deter people from applying for legal aid if they are eligible. (Paragraph 161)

12.  We are concerned that the Department may not have conducted sufficient analysis to judge the impact of these proposals in relation to the Human Rights Act. In evidence the Minister seemed broadly dismissive of any concerns, yet if there were to be a significant growth in judicial review applications where defendants were refused legal aid, as suggested by the judiciary, this could have substantial and unwelcome cost implications. Furthermore consideration needs to be given to the supply of solicitors conducting Criminal Defence Service work. If these proposals were to lead to a reduction in provision, it is important that the Department recognises the difficulties which could result. (Paragraph 170)

Other options

13.  Over the course of our inquiry, we have been told by a number of witnesses that there are better ways of controlling spending on criminal legal aid than reintroducing means testing and transferring responsibility for grant. We recommend that the Department should focus more of its efforts in other areas, such as reducing expenditure on the most expensive criminal cases, which consume a disproportionate amount of the Criminal Defence Service budget. We recognise that the Department has made some progress in this area, but believe that further savings could be found. Greater use of Recovery of Defence Costs Orders, including in the magistrates' courts could also be considered. In addition, initiatives which could create savings to the overall cost of the Criminal Justice System by, for example, effective trial management, should be pursued and supported. (Paragraph 182)

Conclusion

14.  While we support the overall aims of controlling the rising Criminal Defence Service expenditure and ensuring that defendants who can afford to pay their own legal costs do so, we consider that the current proposals have failed to address a number of important questions and would give rise to serious practical problems. As a next step towards preparing a bill to be put before Parliament, the Government will need to answer the following questions: (Paragraph 183)

·  How do these proposals address the major drivers of Criminal Defence Service expenditure?

·  How will the Government ensure that the downstream impacts of other policies on the Criminal Defence Service budget are taken into account?

·  Why are the Legal Services Commission and solicitors better placed to apply the interests of justice test than the courts; and how could any conflicts of interest arising from the transfer be avoided?

·  What evidence is there to substantiate the claims that magistrates' courts have been inconsistent or over-generous in applying the 'interests of justice' test; and what impact will the transfer have on the volume of representation orders granted and on Criminal Defence Service expenditure?

·  Are these proposals compliant with Article 6(1) and 6(3)(c) of the European Convention on Human Rights?

·  How can means testing be conducted in a way that ensures that, whilst decisions are based on acceptable evidence as to financial circumstances, they do not cause delay to court hearings?

·  Will any financial savings produced by means testing be outweighed by the likely downstream costs in terms of bureaucracy and delay?

·  What impact will the current proposals have on other initiatives designed to increase the efficiency of the Criminal Justice System?

·  How many defendants, who would otherwise be eligible for legal aid, will be deterred from applying for legal aid as a result of the reintroduction of means testing; and how will an increase in the number of unrepresented defendants impact on defendants' comprehension of proceedings and even the way they plead?


 
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