Quadripartite Select Committee Written Evidence


Appendix 25: Further memorandum from the Defence Manufacturers Association

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE BRITISH AND GERMAN EXPORT CONTROL SYSTEMS

  We have received mixed comments from companies about comparisons between the UK and German export control systems, but the general view appears to be that whilst the German system appears overtly on paper, when one looks at the regulations (see: www.bafa.de/1/en/tasks/exportcontrol.htm), to be very (indeed, horrendously) bureaucratic in nature, in some areas much more so that the UK system, the actual practical operation of it, in some respects, is easier and much less bureaucratic than might appear to be the case on the surface. Comments have been made that the German regulatory authorities, recognising that the bureaucracy outlined in the regulations is unworkably unwieldy, have adopted very practical working solutions to enable the system to function smoothly in reality at the working level. Whilst both the UK and Germany work from the same EU military list, there remain substantial differences in the practical application of export control.

  Here, as we understand it, is what we believe to be the "official" German Export Licence Procedure. Germany follows the pattern of most other European countries in the issuance of individual, Global or Project type licenses.

  For the German Government the Export Market for Defence Material is divided into several classes of countries:

  1.  All NATO-countries.

  2.  Countries which will be treated like NATO (eg Australia, New Zealand, Switzerland, Sweden, Finland).

  3.  Countries where export is restricted (eg South America, Africa, Middle East, Asia).

  4.  Countries where all export is forbidden (eg Libya, Syria, Iraq, Iran, North Korea)

  The procedure to get an export licence depends on this classification and on the type of product:

    (a)

    sensitive technology (eg countermeasures, HE);

    (b)

    insensitive technology (eg smoke, illumination, small pyrotechnics); and

    (c)

    products which fall under the war weapon control act (eg incendiary ammunition).

Procedure

  1.+ a.: pre-marketing licence (BWB,MOD) and standard export licence after receipt of contract (Export Licence Authority in Eschborn).

  1.+ b.: only standard export licence.

  1.+ c.: after receipt of contract: war weapon licence (MOD) and after receipt of war weapon licence additional the standard export licence.

  2.+ a.: same as 1.+ a.

  2.+ b.: same as 1.+ b.

  2.+ c.: same as 1.+ c.

  3.+ a.: same as 1.+ a.

  3.+ b.: same as 1.+ a.

  3.+ c.: same as 1.+ c., but additionally a pre-marketing licence.

  4.: No export possible, requests should not be answered and/or should be sent to MoD for information, that country X wants to buy certain products in Germany.

  For a pre-marketing licence, the company should have an RFQ or Invitation for Tender presentation or Request for Information. Normally classified information will be transferred, but German Authority (MoD, BWB) must give clearance. If you have received a license, it is valid until it is revoked, the situation in the particular country has changed dramatically, or an embargo has been declared.

  It is not always necessary to ask for a pre-marketing licence.

  For a standard export licence, an End User Certificate and a Contract are required.

  Some examples of the general rules and how they affect export policy towards particular nations are:

    India, Pakistan: only category b.

    Taiwan: a. (only with government approval: German Security Council), b. and c.

    Israel: case by case decision, no general guideline, but for c. no chance.

  We hope that this is not too confusing. Please note the situation can change in one or the other direction on a weekly basis. All procedures are also valid if the German company is only a subcontractor and the deliverable part is a major item of the final product.

  Companies in almost any nation will seem to regard their own export control system as being extremely difficult and (seemingly through "rose-coloured spectacles") those of other countries as being much easier. One Member Company has reported that, in discussion with a German competitor, his interlocutor "was under impression the UK system is easier than the German one!" Most comments from UK companies are, almost inevitably, with regard to comparisons with the French export control system's policies, systems and procedures, which are regarded, almost universally, as being extremely liberal and export-friendly. However, one Member Company reports that: "Everyone [in European Industry] agrees the French are a different matter—but my Egyptian Agent recently said . . ." EVEN the French are getting more difficult"!!" We also know of French companies who have commented in the past that their system can be very difficult, despite commonly held perceptions elsewhere. Equally, I am aware of one Israeli official who commented to one of my colleagues recently at an overseas exhibition that their export control system is the toughest and most rigorous in the World. Almost the only thing which is seemingly universally agreed is that the US system is the consummate example of how NOT to do it!

  Discrepancies in national control lists, as indicated in our earlier evidence, make the situation more complicated. For instance, under the UK regulations, ML6 (b), of EGTTPTA(C)O 2003, discretely armoured 4x4 VIP vehicles require UK export licences (as they fall under the definition of "an all wheel drive vehicle capable of off road use which have been manufactured or fitted with metallic or non metallic materials to provide ballistic protection"). Our understanding of German, French and other EU regulations is that they control the movement of COMBAT armoured vehicles (ie for use by the armed and security forces), but not for discretely armoured vehicles for use by diplomats and other VIPs. As a result, UK suppliers of such vehicles frequently quote for business against BMW (x5) and Mercedes (M Class & G Wagon) which can all be armoured and delivered without regulatory hassle from other EU Governments.

  We cannot give firm details of lost orders resulting from this (and the need to submit end-user undertakings which customers for these types of vehicles are often reluctant to give, due to security/confidentiality concerns), but the UK companies involved report that business is being lost as a result.

  One of the major weaknesses of current Worldwide efforts to counter global proliferation is the sheer diversity of export control policies, systems and procedures around the World, which, in a buyers' market, make export controls almost totally ineffectual as a means of preventing proliferation, and mean that the very best that can ever be hoped for is that they can delay proliferation, rather than stop it. As a result, proliferators can shop around to obtain whatever they want until they find a willing supplier who can meet their needs, and efforts at the national level, by Governments, such as that in the UK, to tighten their own regulatory systems are rendered ineffective as tools to try to control global proliferation.

  On another, related, issue, we believe that there has been far too much public focus on the issue of trying to curb the activities of British brokers, and that this is in many ways a red herring in global non-proliferation terms. At the end of the day, if it is inherently undesirable for a (particular?) supplier and a customer to come together and do a deal, then it is inherently undesirable, whether the broker who brings them together is British, French, Italian, Israeli, Ukrainian or Saudi, etc, etc, or whether there is no broker involved at all, and they do it directly—the nationality of any broker involved is irrelevant, and it remains inherently undesirable under any circumstances. What is really needed, rather than focusing on the issue of British brokers, and controlling them in the UK (and overseas?), is drafting some effective international and multilateral control regime which will prevent these deals from happening at all! Many proponents of the introduction of extraterritorial controls by the UK we believe appear to be looking at the issue through blinkers and unable to gain a strategic vision. As an instrument to try to curb global proliferation and the sorts of deals that we all want to see stopped, the UK arbitrarily and unilaterally changing its regulations will be about as effective as rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic!

  The only truly effective mechanisms have to result from reducing the diversity of export control policies, systems and procedures around the World, and adopting multilateral mechanisms at the international level to bring greater co-ordination and consistency to global counter-proliferation efforts by all Governments. However, as these will, by their very nature, almost certainly have some measure of subverting or undermining impact on the independent autonomy of policy and decision making by national Governments, including in areas such as trade, foreign and defence/security policy, such efforts along these lines will be difficult to achieve at the practical level. For instance it is very hard to perceive the USA being willing to support anything other than the universal adoption by other nations of its own (widely perceived to be deeply flawed) export control policies, systems and procedures, to achieve any solution aimed at international consensus and consistency.

COLLATED AND CONSOLIDATED EVIDENCE OF THE BURDEN ON INDUSTRY OF THE NEW REGULATIONS

  Obviously there will be a greater burden arising from the introduction of a new regulatory control system, but it is still too early to tell how much greater this true cost will be. We understand that Mr Tim Otter is preparing some figures for the additional burden which his own company is facing (and which he quoted to the Committee on 21 April), but these figures, given that his company operates within the WMD sector where the intangible transfer of technology controls are very much stricter, do not necessarily mean that his experiences will be fully replicated across Industry.

  However, we believe that the new regulations will introduce significant administrative "registration and monitoring control" burdens on both companies and individuals. There will also be a start-up and annual continuation "Training Awareness" cost and burden for all companies (including overseas subsidiaries and agents visiting and working in UK) particularly in respect of "intangible" transfer and "trade control". If you take into account the cost of providing (i) training material (ii) the training hours (iii) the opportunity cost of missed working hours (iv) training facility overhead costs, and then multiplied that total cost by the number of engineers, sales & marketing and contract administration staff, export shipping staff, agents and representatives in the Defence Industry it will be possible to obtain a near-as-possible rough order cost impact assessment.

  In reality, we believe that it is going to be quite difficult to track and monitor compliance to this new legislation at 100% simply because of the wide diversity of activity areas covered by the legislation, the latent confusion within Industry (and, sometimes, within DTI) as to what activity it actually applies to, and that implementation of the legislation relates not only on the traditional "hardware" export order takers and exports shippers, but now also to the constituency of the many new individuals within companies (or associated with companies) which will now be (or might be) affected (to some greater or lesser extent) by the new technology transfer, intangibles and trade control aspects of the new legislation.

  Sight of the legislation and the supplementary guidance notes associated with this, reveals that, in itself, this is large/onerous task with which companies have to get to grips well enough, without the actual compliance procedures and records that will be required to add on top. The time required to prepare and train staff is also a consideration and the burden placed on IT re laptops and remote access to name but a few, is not to be under-estimated.

  One Member company has commented that:

    "The great majority of our products and services are covered by export control. Outside of UK MoD business, our customers will all be overseas. We are in continual discussion at all levels within the Company with overseas counterparts and are frequently required to support bid, demonstration and other marketing activity. We currently envisage that our ongoing contracts for supply overseas will require between 10-20 licence applications per annum. The extension of licensing to intangibles could necessitate 10 times this number if all technical discussions at bid and marketing stage are included.

    Also of great concern is the need to police the export of intangibles. The number of exporters has changed from a few individuals to over 50% of our staff. The burden of training, recording and auditing transfers has not been assessed, but is believed to be very considerable. Finally, our business will be impacted by our ability to respond to Requests for Quotations from potential overseas customers. Where an export licence is required, a delay of two to three months will occur before technical discussions can commence. In most cases this will be longer than the customer's required response time for the complete bid and the business will be lost."

COLLATED AND CONSOLIDATED INFORMATION ON "UNDER-CUTTING" ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE EU

  We understand that Mr Tim Otter is submitting additional information on this. As we have previously stated, information on this is not necessarily easy to come by for companies, and the UK's use of the 680 system, which will discourage British firms from the nugatory pursuit of potential business for which a UK export licence would be turned down, results in competitors from other EU Member States not having to encounter the "under-cutting" provisions of the Code of Conduct. The statutory dual-licensing system of a number of other countries, including France and Germany, under which marketing or pre-marketing licences have to be sought by firms, as well as actual export licences, means that companies in these nations do not face this same aggravating and frustrating problem, as refusal of these will invoke the "under-cutting" provisions of the Code of Conduct.

  One case which has only just (over the last couple of days) come to the DMA's attention concerns a UK firm which reports that it had an export licence turned down for the supply of some air traffic control type equipment to Israel, only to see the business be picked up by a French competitor, almost by default, with a French licence being issued without any apparent problems. We will try to obtain more information on this particular case, and pass on to the Committee, when we can.

  One dual-use company reports that:

    "1.  We export on SIEL's to countries like India, China & Japan.

    2.  Over the last 12-18 months we are finding it very difficult to trade & supply with the above countries due to the fact that every order has to be approved by the UK, DTI. This adds another four working weeks to our leadtime and makes us un-competitive.

    3.  Our customers have sometimes complained that suppliers in other EU countries like Germany & France are not even asking for End Use Certificates, and would just ship material a lot of the times.

    4.  Also, the most frustrating thing out of all this is that when we apply for the Export Licence we are advised after four weeks that No Licence is Required for exporting these goods.

    5.  We are also unable to understand fully how the Export Control Act applies to our product."

DIFFERENCES IN ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

  In general the UK appears to be very circumspect in the supply of Military List equipment to the PRC. We have little detailed information on other EU country attitudes and have some difficulty providing concrete advice on whether some countries are more relaxed or not—however, we would think that former eastern block countries joining the EU could be very relaxed . . .

  Evidence from the Chinese agent for one UK firm appears to indicate that French, Italian and US companies whom it also represents in the Chinese market can obtain the necessary export licence approvals from their Governments much more easily—the UK firm quotes normal timescales of three to 18 months, whilst the normal average for the French, Italian and US companies appears to be c 8 weeks.

  Another UK firm reports that: "On the subject of export licences we have had some recent experiences of export licence delays with regard to China. We have finally received approval but the delay has caused some difficulties. During a recent visit to China I had been advised that French providers do not seem to have the same level of delays and that where our equipment categories are more stringent related to potential military applications the same is not apparent for French providers."

SUGGESTED POSSIBLE AMENDMENTS TO THE EU CODE OF CONDUCT

  The existing wording appears to be very comprehensive, but, of course, it is very open to interpretation, as has been widely commented upon. We believe that greater efforts should be made with regard to the adoption of a more consistent interpretation of the criteria within the Code of Conduct between nations.

  We hope that the above additional comments may be of interest to the Committee.

April 2004


 
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