Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum by the United Nations Association of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

THE DEFENCE WHITE PAPER

  On 19 December, 2003 I wrote on behalf of the United Nations Association of the United Kingdom to the Secretary of State for Defence to express our concern that there was no reference in his White Paper to the anticipated role of the United Kingdom in supporting the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations through the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO).

  From Mr Hoon's letter[3]you will see that he argued that we should not take the Defence White Paper in isolation but should read it in parallel with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) White Paper, "UK International Priorities: A Strategy For The ECO", and quoted certain passages from it.

  We have read the FCO White Paper very thoroughly and are equally concerned that neither does this make any specific mention of future UK policy towards and inputs into UN peacekeeping operations.

  There has, if the figures are studied, been a clear diminution over the past several years in the number of personnel—military, civilian police and other—being offered by NATO member states to the United Nations. This is of particular concern to many of us because there is little doubt that NATO personnel are among the best trained in the world, have more adequate resources available than anyone else and are alone in having real logistical capacity to airlift personnel and supplies to distant areas of operation. In the wake of the excellent Security Council request of January, 1992 which led to the production in its name of "An Agenda for Peace" and the more recent Brahimi Report on strengthening UN peacekeeping capacity and delivery we hoped that the response of the UK and its NATO partners would have been to enhance rather than to diminish their inputs.

  We fully appreciate that the United Kingdom has committed significant troop numbers to the NATO-commanded International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan and, more controversially, to the American-led coalition of the willing in Iraq, making it relatively harder to be able to allocate personnel and other resources to UN operations in other parts of the world. Nevertheless, since we believe that the presence of NATO members' personnel within UN Forces has invariably helped to raise the overall caliber of those operations through their skills, discipline and capacity, we always look to the member states of NATO to strive to support UN operations and are keen to see the United Kingdom play a leading role in doing so.

  While we greatly respect and acknowledge the key role played by the British contingent dispatched to Sierra Leone, nevertheless we remain disappointed that they were not placed within the UNAMSIL structure, where they could have, we believe, achieved a great deal in helping to strengthen the caliber of a large but not always effective international presence in a dangerous and highly volatile situation. With British troops not being committed to work within UN Forces, we believe that Her Majesty's Government is failing to fulfill a major obligation placed upon its shoulders through its permanent membership of the UN Security Council. The United Kingdom does not, as former Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary Douglas Hurd once put it, appear to be "punching above its weight"; and that we regret.

  The Defence White Paper speaks at some length about the special role of NATO in the world and of the UK' s strategic interest in remaining a strong ally of the United States and working closely in partnership with it. This concerns us to the extent that President George W Bush sees himself as a "war President" and has several times gone on the record to say that the American military have a role to play in major trouble spots around the world in fighting wars rather than in peacekeeping and nationbuilding. He has also promulgated the United States' right to take preemptive action when US security is deemed to be under major threat. While we firmly believe that the prevention of terrorist or other heinous actions is an urgent necessity for all states, nevertheless we do not support the right of the powerful to take such action either unilaterally or with a group of partners without due international authorization. Unless such authorization is forthcoming, we could see the world backslide relatively swiftly towards the law of the jungle, with powerful states taking the law into their own hands illegitimately. We have no wish to see the United Kingdom move down that blind and counter-productive alley.

  Mr Hoon agreed with us—vide the top of page 2 of his letter to me—"that the struggle to defeat terrorism is not just a military matter". In the Security Council debate on 12 September, 2001— the day after the horrendous acts perpetrated in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania by al Qaida activists— UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan spoke of the need to revisit the root causes of terrorism and to seek to root them out before they took control of would-be terrorists. It is encouraging to see that the Security Council is now taking a much more holistic approach to real or threatened breaches of international peace and security, including persistent major human rights abuse, environmental degradation and other causes. We see that the United Kingdom, with its long history of international engagement and its membership of the United Nations, the Commonwealth, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (which is recognized as the regional security body for Europe under Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter), the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, the Group of 8 and the Bretton Woods Institutions, has an unsurpassed series of opportunities to support non-violent conflict prevention processes and UN peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations.

  We would thus like to propose to the Select Committee on Defence that, in their consideration of current and proposed UK strategy, they include a serious review of UN needs and how best the United Kingdom can enhance its response and practical inputs to them.

Malcolm Harper

Director

March 2004





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