Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 800-819)

MR MARTIN IVENS, MR ALEX THOMSON AND MR MARK URBAN

2 JULY 2003

  Q800  Rachel Squire: Before we move on, may I just pick up on the angst. You mentioned the twenty-four-hour reporting and the angst it causes to the government. May I ask you to comment on the angst it can cause to service personnel's families when they hear that there has been some helicopter crash somewhere and they have no idea where or whom it might affect and the trauma that can cause on a very large-scale basis?

  Mr Urban: I do not particularly want to comment on it, simply because I cannot speak from much experience. I cannot say I was at a particular naval air station the day the accident happened and speak to you about it with some real insight from the point of view of the families concerned. So I would be reluctant to comment on that. As, a long time ago and for a short period, a service member, I think that the bush telegraph in most regiments or squadrons, if something bad happens, tends to work pretty quickly. It creates an imperative in terms of informing next of kin and those very difficult other issues that the forces have to deal with. I certainly think in the recent past, one saw in the recent incident in Iraq, that they were moving pretty quickly, as quickly as they could and also that they wanted to restrict, for example, the fact that it had been a Royal Military Police patrol which ran into difficulty in that particular incident. I think the feeling more centrally in the Ministry of Defence was that until the next of kin had been informed or at least they had gone some way towards doing so, they wanted to restrict that and I think we understood that. I do not believe—I should be interested if you knew otherwise—that Sky, or the BBC or ITN News or whoever, were saying early on that day or in the mid afternoon, "Yes, these six people who lost their lives in the centre of the town were from the Royal Military Police". I think it was understood that as soon as you identified such a small regimental community a lot of people would obviously have a lot of emotional turmoil as a result of you doing that. I think in that particular case, sensitivity was shown.

  Q801  Mr Cran: I personally found your programmes quite informative. I found the running commentary confusing, but that is just me. Were you able to negotiate the terms of the relationship between your embeds with the MoD and the Pentagon? Were you able to negotiate the contract, as it were or did they say, "Here's the deal, take it or leave it"?

  Mr Ivens: In our most remarkable case, the one at Nasiriyah, we negotiated nothing. After our correspondent had reported on what might have landed us in a court of law, a rather terrible action at night, the American soldiers had a meeting to talk about whether they should allow our correspondent to continue to be embedded with their battalion and they voted to keep him. They said "You reported what you saw. Stay there. On our heads be it". It was quite remarkable. Maybe we just got lucky with the Americans in that particular unit.

  Mr Thomson: As for everyone, absolutely everything was up for grabs. You would go to the MoD meetings round here in London and they would be saying "This is how it's going to be, chaps. Here's the list of things. Here are the dos and don'ts. They are set in stone. That is decided. Sign on the bottom line and that is how it's going to be". When you get there, of course everything is different: you have to turn up with a 4x4 vehicle painted a certain colour. It turns out you can turn up with anything you want, including an armoured Land Rover. The embed system was supposedly set in stone and if that is true, how come Jeremy Thompson from Sky ended up inventing his own. There are all sorts of rules about dos and don'ts but politics are more important than the military in fighting a war in some contexts. So it was that the man from The Sun was flung out for upsetting somebody early on in terms of censorship, he bounced back to Kuwait City and was immediately sent up to join our little troop in the desert because The Sun is so politically important to the war. The Ministry of Defence sets out its guidelines, as it has to do. It has to get this corral of different individuals organised somehow and that is how they do it. Of course absolutely everything is up for grabs and the sooner you know that the more you get to grab.

  Q802  Mr Cran: Mr Ivens, you said earlier on, if I remember it correctly, that there were advantages in having embeds and unilaterals. What did you mean by that? What are the advantages?

  Mr Ivens: The disadvantages were very, very clear from Gulf War 1. I was on a different newspaper at the time, I was foreign editor of The Times, but you find you have a correspondent locked away on board ship in the middle of the Persian Gulf, not even allowed to land after the war was effectively over. You also find that you can only see what you are allowed. Hence we wanted both options in this particular war. We wanted to be in the right place at the right time. Just like anybody who is gambling on a successful outcome, we wanted to hedge our bets. We wanted to be with the marines on their advance up to Nasiriyah, but we also wanted to observe some of the fighting away from the troops, purely on an empirical basis that embedding had not always worked for us in the past.

  Q803  Mr Cran: Mr Thomson, you were embedded. Would you have liked to have been released, freed and become a unilateral?

  Mr Thomson: I was a gamekeeper this time and I was a poacher in 1991. There has to be a place for both. Perish the day when we only ever have embeds or we only ever have unilaterals, independent journalists. There has to be room for both. The problem was in this particular war that it was quite exceptionally dangerous to be up there on your own unescorted and sadly ITN have lost three people as a result of doing exactly that sort of operation. You are on your own and in this case on your own in peculiarly difficult circumstances of having two sets of invading armies and the consequences of that were obvious for all to see as far as ITN was concerned and indeed other organisations who also lost people. There is no point in beating about the bush: if you are going to go unilateral in a war there is a risk and it is a lot greater than going with the British Army. They did everything to prevent us seeing the war, in many circumstances by talking about duty of care, which we long since signed away when we signed up to censorship.

  Mr Ivens: Although we would not like our correspondents to be treated with hostility because they are not embedded, in the encounter Mr Thomson relates, one of our correspondents, Christina Lamb, thought on that day, preceding the fire fight, that she had not really been treated with great co-operation by the army in no uncertain terms.

  Q804  Mr Cran: The question of the outside expert. Programmes like yours, Mr Urban, wheeled in the outside expert, usually former senior military personnel, who by definition are probably out of date in terms of their understanding of what is going on. On the other hand you have to balance this out by your programme having to look credible. Did this present problems for you, given also that some of these experts probably came with a bit of baggage? Do not ask me which, because I am not going to answer that question.

  Mr Urban: We only used four so it would be a short list of suspects if you thought that. Our approach was basically that I was in the hot seat in terms of initially doing the presentation of what happened today and what was significant and what was not. We were not asking them in that sense as people who had been out of the system for some time to detail the current operations. Their role was to explore various issues which might be arising at the military level. Clearly there was the Secretary of State for Defence and there were various other people who appeared on the programme to explore it at a political level. Their job was to explore at the military level some of the implications of things which were happening, what might be going through the minds of commanders on the ground. We tried to recruit people who had specifically had command responsibility either for the very units that were engaged at the time or had been field commanders during the 1991 war and therefore could speak from a position of authority. As to your question about whether they therefore come with some baggage, the question then is whether you want somebody not in a position to comment from experience and with expertise? We assessed that under those circumstances it would help the viewers to understand what was going on a bit better, or what the issues were, or what was going through commanders' minds, if we had very experienced people, a former commander of 3rd Army, as McKiernan had been, former commander of the 24th Infantry Division, former commander of air forces in 1991 and another former senior operational commander to do that. I was happy with that and I was happy with the way it worked and it was certainly not their job to do the day-to-day nitty gritty of operations.

  Q805  Mr Cran: My last question is simply this: a lot of mystique surrounds UK special forces and I suppose, Mr Thomson, I am looking at you for the answer to this one. Did you come across any knowledge of their activities that you are able to impart to us?

  Mr Thomson: Yes. So far as I am aware, they were in Basra, not dressed as local people, on the edges of the town, the far outskirts, acting as forward spotter units, which would be no great secret to anybody. Somebody had to go in there and tell the lads at the back what to fire their big guns at and those people were deemed the best people to do it. Probably they were at work in Al Faw as well, in fact I am fairly sure they were; possibly in more of a combat role in terms of actually engaging people, fighting people. That is about the limit of it. Yes, they were there.

  Q806  Mr Cran: So you would not take the view that some would take that special forces are surrounded by far too much mystique, secrecy and all the rest of it.

  Mr Thomson: I do take that view.

  Q807  Mr Cran: Which they would find unsustainable in a day and age like ours.

  Mr Thomson: Personally I think it is completely unsustainable. I do not think mystique suits the Special Air Service, or Special Boat Service, or any of these services particularly. I do not think it has much to do with fighting wars. I filmed them in Sierra Leone for instance and we transmitted it. We filmed then in Afghanistan and transmitted that. They like their mystique but the media should not like the mystique.

  Q808  Chairman: It helps sell their books.

  Mr Thomson: I could not possibly comment.

  Chairman: It is amazing how many authors have emerged from special forces.

  Q809  Mr Roy: I should like to explore news management, or, to everyone else, censorship. Were reports sent from theatre censored and if so, in what way?

  Mr Ivens: Speaking for a newspaper which was in favour of the war editorially and had been in favour of Gulf War 1 editorially and had taken notice of Saddam Hussein's use of chemical weapons as far back as Al Abiyah, we did not find it a problem. We were able to run reports which were very embarrassing, I presume, to allied forces. We were able to run correspondents in Baghdad. We did not feel editorially that we needed somehow to make them conform to some sort of editorial CENTCOM in the editor's office, nor did we feel restrained in reporting on what we saw when allied forces either made mistakes or did things which might in post-war light or even at the time be thought to be questionable.

  Q810  Mr Roy: So none of your journalists was censored, none of the reporters was censored by the military handlers they had.

  Mr Ivens: No. In the most graphic case they did have a meeting afterwards, in the case of our chap with the marines, and said that was what he saw. From our end, we presume to work with a man in the field and that is our business. Similarly we did not encounter problems with censorship from military authorities.

  Mr Thomson: There is an extraordinary squeamishness in this country, a very British thing about not calling a spade a spade. Actually senior TV news executives are entirely complicit in this. They will do anything but actually talk about censorship, so it is quite refreshing that you used that phrase rather than news management or restrictions or other such circumlocutions.

  Q811  Mr Roy: No; it is censorship.

  Mr Thomson: Of course you are censored. One, you sign a censorship form with the MoD saying you are going to be censored. You are censored because your freedom of movement is utterly and completely restricted.

  Q812  Mr Roy: Just explain it for a layman. You say you sign a form that you will be censored.

  Mr Thomson: Yes, you sign a form. I have one at home, but I am sure you have seen them. It says basically that they are going to censor us for reasons of operational security (opsec), so you do not give stuff away to the other side which could be useful and may get people killed unnecessarily. Fair enough. I cannot understand why anybody would have a problem with that. They also say, interestingly enough, that they are not going to censor us in terms of taste, tone or embarrassment. In terms of taste, in television we all censor ourselves until the cows come home, because most of what happens really happens in war, that is the killing of people, the maiming of people, the injuring of people, which never gets shown on television. In one respect we on the journalistic side of it and our executives are the greatest censors out. I am sure they will thank me for saying that. In the field of course, when the going gets even slightly rough, they will start trying to censor you in terms of taste and tone and embarrassment. We filmed a logistics unit, just a place where they did the buttons and berets and everything. One part of it looked fine to us, but they were desperate that we did not transmit it, because apparently it did not look shipshape. It was silly little things like that, where people watching at home who were in the know would be able to see that. It was that sort of stuff.

  Q813  Mr Roy: But you would need to accept the mindset which says you guys are not reporting on a general election in Iraq where you have to give a level playing field and the MoD do not give a level playing field to both sides. You can understand their mindset, if that were the case.

  Mr Thomson: I can understand it entirely. I do not agree with it, but I understand it entirely. Equally, Az Zubayr example, slightly more serious, because hearts-and-minds was clearly an issue and, as I have underlined, it was something I believe the British Army worked very hard to try to do the ground work for. When the going got rough, what did they do? They censored it. They stopped it going out.

  Q814  Mr Roy: Do you think your viewers accept that? Do you think your viewers expect you to play exactly down the middle, level playing field, treat friend and foe alike, or do they expect when they are watching it that it is slightly slanted?

  Mr Thomson: I suspect, from the e-mails we get back from our viewers, that they expect a fair, robust and critical view of what is going on, trying to get to the truth of what is going on in amidst the lies and misinformation which immediately spring up in any single war. I have covered enough of them and there was nothing different about this one. That is what people expect. It is not by and large what they get, but it is what people expect.

  Q815  Mr Howarth: Do they expect you to be cognizant of the fact that you are British, that it is British lives at stake out there?

  Mr Thomson: Absolutely; and covering one of the most historically unpopular wars this country has ever embarked upon.

  Q816  Mr Howarth: But a very sharp change in attitude as soon as they crossed the start line.

  Mr Thomson: A very sharp change in attitude the other way now they have supposedly gone over the finish line.

  Q817  Mr Howarth: Indeed, but you were concerned and we are concerned.

  Mr Thomson: But you take my point. This was a highly politicised war.

  Q818  Mr Howarth: All wars are politicised.

  Mr Thomson: Of course they are and of course people got on side once the shooting was under way. People wanted to support "our boys" and all the rest of it.

  Q819  Mr Roy: Is it your job to judge that?

  Mr Thomson: Our job is not to judge. The job of a war correspondent is not to compile his or her views according to what the mood is at home; that is entirely irrelevant. Our job is to find the truth of what is going on, in so far as we possibly can, with the limited means at our disposal.

  Chairman: As a result of a question, you were listing different forms of censorship and Frank cut you off in mid sentence. Could you come back and list the other forms of censorship, either self or externally generated when we come back? Give it some thought. Thank you very much

The Committee suspended from 3.59pm to 4.18 pm for a division in the House.


 
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