Select Committee on Defence Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 2300 - 2319)

THURSDAY 5 FEBRUARY 2004

RT HON GEOFFREY HOON MP

  Q2300  Mr Viggers: My question was whether the budgetary shortfall will affect your ability to deal with the lessons of Operation Telic. Can I take it a little further? Will you need to be making short-term programme cuts, like cutting helicopter flying hours, overseas training, live firing of weapons, vehicle movements to save fuel, etc?

  Mr Hoon: There is always a programme of activity that in any given financial year has to be adjusted according to the financial reality, and particularly towards the end of the financial year there are those kinds of adjustments. They are done every year in the Ministry of Defence, they have been done every year since time immemorial, and that may have some of the implications that you describe.

  Q2301  Mr Havard: We have got very little time. Can I just turn to this body armour question simply from the point of view that there is a balance of risk assessment that has to be done. Perhaps you can write to us if we do not have the time because we would like to know how the legal processes and other factors are balanced in making this balance of risk assessment? Quite clearly intelligence comes into that as well. As far as the body armour is concerned, what we now know from the incident is that the front line is everywhere, the front line is in no one place any more. This is a different thing we now know that we did not know before. Is it going to be the case that everyone in future who enters into a conflict situation will have all the proper kit, including the body armour, because it was clearly done on the basis of those in greatest need in this exercise but the world is changing?

  Mr Hoon: I think that is a very fair point and please bear in mind that was the assumption we made when 38,000 sets of enhanced combat body armour were sent to theatre for operations in Iraq, we had made that judgment. You are right to emphasise the fact that front line in these kinds of operations, when the front line is moving very rapidly across large areas of territory, as the Americans found themselves, the front line is everywhere and we want to provide proper protection for all our people, whether they happen to be in the notional front line or they are in the supply lines, for example, or logistic trade.

  Q2302  Mr Havard: Would you write to us about the balancing of the risks and the processes involved?

  Mr Hoon: My point is that we took that decision, we were not balancing risk in that sense as far as the decision to provide enhanced combat body armour to all those engaged. The issue, as I have made clear, was the issue of tracking that equipment once it got in the theatre and I am determined that we should improve that asset tracking system.

  Q2303  Mr Havard: They had better put it in their back pocket next time.

  Mr Hoon: I would be interested in what the Committee considers, whether it has had this conversation with soldiers, because one solution that has been suggested is to make enhanced combat body armour part of the personal equipment of the soldiers concerned but it does mean, of course, that in addition to all the other kit that they are required to be responsible for, they then have to be responsible for the enhancement. I do not know how many Members of the Committee have worn enhanced combat body armour for even a short period of time. It is something that is a judgment that will have to be made about whether we require that because my experience of talking to officers and, indeed, to senior NCOs is that part of their task when enhanced combat body armour is issued is to make sure that the men under their charge are wearing it.

  Q2304  Mr Havard: I agree that it is a complex issue and there are certain walls I can get over in it and there are some I cannot, it is that sort of thing. I appreciate that. Maybe we should change it to the individuals to make the decision rather than the Ministry of Defence. It is certainly an area that I would hope in the Lessons Learned exercise is having serious consideration.

  Mr Hoon: It is something that we are looking at. As I say, I do not think it is quite that simple. It is probably relatively straightforward for civilians to say that this should be part of the personal kit of all soldiers but I am not sure that necessarily all members of the military would readily agree to that. I think it is something that we have got to look at and I would be very interested in what the Committee's experience has been in this area.

  Chairman: You will be pleased to know that none of the general issue body armour fitted me. However, there was a corpulent MoD policeman of my girth whose suit I borrowed and I must say he needs to get into a bit of training if he is that size, although I must thank him for the loan of his body armour.

  Q2305  Rachel Squire: Can I pick up again on NBC protection which you mentioned in your opening statement and which has been referred to in our questions so far, Secretary of State. You are very aware of the criticisms that the NAO made reporting a significant shortfall of 40% in tactical nerve agent detection systems and a severe shortfall in residual vapour detector kits, commenting that, "While these shortfalls could be partially mitigated by the use of the Chemical Agent Monitor and training, it made detection and therefore response to an attack insufficient". It also then went on to talk about the NBC protection for Challenger 2 and other armoured vehicles and was somewhat critical of it. I know that you told the House on 13 January this year that: "we have acknowledged in our own reports that there were deficiencies in the way stocks of some NBC equipment were managed. The Department is working hard to ensure that that does not occur again. However, as the NAO recognises in its report, mitigating action was taken through a combination of purchasing spare parts and rigorous re-testing of equipment. The operational requirement was consequently fully met." Can I try and pin you down a bit. When you talk about the "operational requirement" being consequently fully met, can you explain to what level of protection the operational requirement was set to enable you to say that it was fully met in spite of the shortfall that you yourself have recognised and which certainly the NAO recognised?

  Mr Hoon: If I can begin with the conclusion of the NAO report. It states: "Although overall protection against chemical agents was good, there were shortfalls". I simply prefer to start with the conclusion rather than the shortfalls. That may be just the way that I happen to see this. I am not in any way under-estimating the concern that we had to ensure that each person involved in the operation was properly protected against the risk of a chemical attack. It is my understanding that everyone who went over the line had a respirator and at least one correctly sized suit. One of the issues, and I know this has caused some controversy, is whether there were a sufficient number of suits available, whether each man had three suits available, which ideally should be the case. A judgment was made that it was sufficient for the conduct of this operation that initially at any rate as they crossed the line, the availability to each man of one suit, correctly sized suit, was sufficient to allow them to conduct this particular operation.

  Q2306  Rachel Squire: I, and I am sure I was not alone in this, believed that Saddam Hussein was more than likely to use chemical and possibly biological material against the coalition forces. Are you clearly saying that in spite of the identified shortfalls, if British land forces had been subject to an NBC attack it would not have any operational consequences?

  Mr Hoon: I am not quite sure that is the same thing. There are clearly operational consequences of coming under chemical or biological attack, I do not think anyone is in any doubt that that has a severe impact on the ability, for example, to conduct offensive operations. I am now talking about in a military sense. What I am saying is that as far as the protection available in the event of such an attack, each man had a respirator and one correctly sized suit. In addition, there were a number of other areas that were appropriate for the threat that we faced. That is why the NAO report came to the conclusion that it did. It actually said that the overall protection against chemical agents was good. It did not say that it was average or indifferent, it said that it was good. That was not my assessment, that was their conclusion having considered the evidence.

  Q2307  Rachel Squire: Perhaps for me to be more specific, you are saying that if chemical weapons had been used against our troops, the equipment they had was sufficient not to put them at greater risk than was necessary?

  Mr Hoon: That is right, yes.

  Mr Hancock: I am going to ask you some questions about the post-war situation but, if I may, can I ask one about the pre-war situation. You told us on 14 May—

  Chairman: No, sorry.

  Mr Hancock: This is a question relating to it.

  Chairman: If it is post-conflict, please.

  Mr Hancock: It is a very important question.

  Chairman: If it is post-conflict, yes.

  Mr Hancock: Do we have to only ask questions that the clerk has drawn up?

  Chairman: Post-conflict.

  Mr Hancock: Chairman, this is an important issue as far as I am concerned. Secretary of State, I would like you to tell us—

  Chairman: We have five minutes. Post-conflict, Mike.

  Mr Hancock: So you do not want a difficult question?

  Chairman: Mike, please, post-conflict, five minutes.

  Mr Hancock: You have spent most of your time trying to avoid getting into the difficult questions.

  Chairman: That is not true. Please, post-conflict. You have questions to ask.

  Mr Hancock: If we are going to have a report on this war, Chairman, surely one of the questions is about the process that led up to it.

  Chairman: You are wasting time.

  Mr Hancock: Secretary of State, my question is quite a simple one. You told us on 14 May that you had identified 500 sites—

  Chairman: Michael, I am not accepting this. You are wasting time. Please ask the questions you have been asked to do.

  Mr Hancock: Well, I cannot possibly be in a position to accept the report then.

  Chairman: Try.

  Mr Hancock: I think you are doing a good job trying to defend the impossible.

  Mr Blunt: Point of Order, Chairman. I think people outside will find it incomprehensible that Members of this Committee are not able to ask the questions they wish.

  Mr Hancock: Absolutely.

  Chairman: I think they will find it incomprehensible that we have so many questions to ask and—

  Mr Blunt: May I finish?

  Chairman: Please be quick.

  Mr Blunt: My Point of Order, Chairman, is that Members must be allowed untrammelled freedom to ask the questions that they want to ask.

  Chairman: We are here to ask the Secretary of State questions. We have four questions left. Please, post-conflict. We have five minutes to ask a lot of questions.

  Mr Hancock: Are we not elected to this Parliament to ask questions that we think are in the public interest as opposed to ones that the clerk wants us to ask?

  Chairman: We have a lot of questions to ask, Michael, and you have wasted five minutes.

  Mr Hancock: Well, you should have let me ask the damn thing.

  Chairman: Post-conflict questions, please.

  Mr Hancock: If you stopped waffling on and trying to—

  Chairman: Conflict questions, please. Are you going to ask the post-conflict questions?

  Mr Hancock: No, Chairman.

  Chairman: I will ask them.

  Mr Hancock: I would rather ask the question that I am sure the Secretary of State would be only too willing to answer and I am not going to be browbeaten into asking questions that the clerk wants to be asked rather than an elected Member of Parliament.

  Chairman: Which we want to ask. Please, post-conflict.

  Mr Hancock: You ask the bloody question because I am not.

  Chairman: Mike Gapes, please.

  Q2308  Mike Gapes: You have said already that the Iraqi regime's domination and collapse at the end when it went was unexpected in the way that it went but had we not known for years about the nature of Ba'athism and the repression? Given that the regime did collapse in the way it did, how do you explain your Department's position that it was only after the fall of the regime that the extent of the Ba'ath domination and nearly all aspects of the Iraqi state and society became clear?

  Mr Hoon: I am not sure that I said it was unexpected. It certainly collapsed more rapidly than we, on a worst case scenario, thought. We might have expected the implants into the army, for example, who certainly had some effect on some of the leaders. One Iraqi general surrendered and then we understand as a result of threats to his family, who were kept in another part of the country, he then continued to fight. Large parts of the Iraqi army simply deserted but we were still left with some really quite uncompromising enemies. In Basra, we all followed very carefully the excellent operation to take Basra but the people that we were fighting against were essentially the most committed of Saddam's people, and are probably still the people who are causing a security threat in and around Baghdad. Those were people who benefited from the regime, who were its strongest supporters and who carried out the intimidation against the Iraqi population that we are all well aware of.

  Q2309  Mike Gapes: Did you plan for the looting and the destruction which came after the collapse? Did you expect it? What plans had you got to prevent it?

  Mr Hoon: It was one of the contingencies that we knew could occur. I suspect that we did not have sufficient numbers of troops to be able to prevent the extent of the looting that did take place. That would have required us to be able to replace all of the police and security personnel that Saddam Hussein had available. I recall when I very first went into Iraq, two or three weeks after the conflict came to an end, talking to Iraqis who were actually complaining that we did not have soldiers on every corner. They were used to having a police officer on every corner. I do not know whether in Basra you saw the small places that existed almost on every street corner. I initially took them to be for traffic police but they were there as a visible, tangible sign that the regime was keeping an eye on you and the complaint of a lot of people was that we were not replacing that.

  Q2310  Mike Gapes: Can I put it to you then that what you are really saying is that looting was inevitable and we had insufficient forces there to stop it.

  Mr Hoon: In the very short-term. Eventually we were able to get a grip on that, but not in the very short-term.

  Q2311  Mike Gapes: Given that was the case, why did you decide to protect some buildings and not others? What choices did you make because there has been some criticism that oilfields were protected but museums were not and various other things of that kind? How did you make the decision to deploy to the areas you could protect knowing that you could not protect everywhere?

  Mr Hoon: I think very pragmatic decisions were taken. One of the entire purposes, for example, of the planning of our operations in the south was to prevent Saddam Hussein destroying the oilfields. The whole point of a rapid attack in the south was to get to the oilfields and prevent them from being destroyed in the way that had happened previously. That was part of the strategic consideration that we made in looking at how best to take Iraq and defeat Saddam Hussein and at the same time prevent him from destroying a vital part of the livelihood of his country and it was a magnificent success.

  Q2312  Mike Gapes: Were there instructions explicitly from the MoD to the military commanders to protect the oilfields?

  Mr Hoon: We knew, and it would have had some strategic impact on our capability, that on a previous occasion Saddam Hussein had set fire to oilfields. That had a strategic impact because the clouds that were produced were extremely damaging. We judged that one impact of him doing that would be to weaken our ability to fight successfully. As part of longer term thinking about Iraq we also knew that the oilfields were vital to the future of Iraq and if he was able to destroy those oilfields then that would obviously necessarily make the process of reconstruction all the more difficult. There were both military considerations and, if you like, reconstruction considerations in that judgment borne out of experience. This was what he did in the Gulf War.

  Q2313  Mike Gapes: Did you give instructions to commanders to protect other parts of the infrastructure, hospitals, electricity, communication hubs, or was it just left to their own judgment?

  Mr Hoon: To the extent that it was possible certainly but, again, electricity infrastructure is an enormously difficult thing, even today, to protect. We have many people in place but out there in the desert, and you may have seen it for yourself when you travelled from Kuwait, it only takes one attack against a pylon to destroy the infrastructure. That is one of the difficulties that we continue to have. There have been continuing acts of—vandalism does not quite do it justice—sabotage against the utility system. That was a problem right from the beginning and I think we are getting on top of that and the electricity is steadily improving but it is still an issue.

  Q2314  Mr Cran: Still on post-conflict. Throughout the conflict the Government fairly consistently said that it was not going to be able to give us figures about civilian casualties and all the rest of it. As I understand it, that was reversed by Baroness Symons in the House of Lords on 28 January when she said that the Prime Minister is concerned about it, is getting more figures, we will do our best to get accurate figures. The question is which department is doing this? If it is yours, what progress have we made and what is the timescale?

  Mr Hoon: I certainly recall recently answering Parliamentary Questions and making it clear that trying to assess civilian casualties, not least in areas that we did not control, is a very, very difficult exercise.

  Q2315  Mr Cran: I entirely understand that but nonetheless a commitment was given by Baroness Symons in the House of Lords, Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. If the commitment was given, who is doing it?

  Mr Hoon: I am sure she will be able to tell you.

  Q2316  Mr Cran: You are saying that you cannot, which I find quite extraordinary.

  Mr Hoon: Whether you find it extraordinary or not, I have made clear and, indeed, I think I have said this in a Parliamentary Answer, that trying to provide accurate assessments of civilian casualties at a time when we were engaged in conflict and not in control of the territory where perhaps some of those civilian casualties occurred is an extraordinarily difficult process.

  Q2317  Mr Cran: I do not disagree with that but I find it extraordinary because of all the agencies that could help to make this promise come true: it might be the authority in Baghdad and Basra, and the armed forces of the United Kingdom and the United States. You are a member of Cabinet, tell me, if you cannot do it, who is doing it?

  Mr Hoon: I am not saying that we can do it, what I am saying is that it is difficult. I am certainly prepared to assist in that effort if it can produce a realistic and useful result.

  Q2318  Mr Cran: But as a member of Cabinet you do not know who is doing it?

  Mr Hoon: I am saying that we will provide assistance.

  Mr Cran: Quite extraordinary.

  Chairman: James is an ex-Whip, he knows how to count bodies and knows where they are buried as well. Crispin?

  Q2319  Mr Blunt: Secretary of State, when I was last asking you questions you raised the advice of the military that they could cross the start line into action with one NBC suit per individual and that the advice was that they would be able to fight the tanks and fight from the Warrior armoured personnel cars on that basis. Can I suggest to you, Secretary of State, that that is an example of the military being willing to undertake risks in order to achieve military objectives. Equally, I am quite certain that had you invited them to do so they would have crossed the start line with no NBC protection had that been the objective of the forces. They would have taken that risk and done their duty as they should have done. What I would say to you is that soldiers in the Royal Armoured Corps, of which I had the privilege to be one for 12 years, will tell you that to suggest you can fight from a tank in an NBC suit for a prolonged period of time, frankly if you have the opportunity of having proper NBC filters and over-pressure inside the tank, is simply unfeasible for any length of time.

  Mr Hoon: Is that a question?


 
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