Select Committee on Environmental Audit Written Evidence


APPENDIX 8

Memorandum from Dr Gill Seyfang, Centre for Social and Economic Research on the Global Environment (CSERGE)[24]

  Dr Seyfang is a Senior Research Associate in Sustainable Consumption with CSERGE (the Centre for Social and Economic Research on the Global Environment), at the University of East Anglia, Norwich. CSERGE is core funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. Dr Seyfang's research examines the social implications of sustainable consumption, and local initiatives for sustainable development.

INQUIRY ISSUE C: INDICATORS

  The economic indicators set out in the strategy are limited by the fact that they rely upon traditional national accounts to measure economic activity (eg GDP). A range of alternative accounting systems have been proposed to measure social well-being rather than its proxy, material consumption. These would begin to reorient economic policy towards meeting broader goals than economic growth—after all, what gets measured, counts.

    —  The Measure of Domestic Progress (MDP) developed by Tim Jackson and the New Economics Foundation is a set of indicators which attempts to measure the value of economic activity which contributes to quality of life by making several adjustments to GDP. For example, it subtracts the defensive costs of environmental degradation, loss of habitats and resource use, social inequality and crime, and adds in the value of unpaid domestic labour. Results published in 2004 show that while GDP has risen by 80 per cent in the last 30 years, MDP fell sharply during the 1980s and has still not regained the peak level achieved in 1976. MDP more closely tracks other indicators of life-satisfaction, which have not risen for the last 30 years, than GDP.

INQUIRY ISSUE D: SUSTAINABLE CONSUMPTION

  Sustainable consumption is a contested term—there are many meanings attached to it, just as there are with "sustainable development". For example, sustainable consumption could mean "green growth", or it could mean "no growth", depending on one's viewpoint. These different meanings represent competing views about how society should develop, and as such they echo the arguments about sustainable development, and are simply another way of phrasing the same questions. The UK strategy resolutely sticks to one particular interpretation of sustainable consumption—that of `cleaner production' and continued economic growth, but there are more fundamental questions to be asked about the goals of development, and competing views and strategies that deserve attention and policy support.

Policy recommendations:

  Existing market-based tools and instruments need to be improved to overcome market failures which currently send the wrong price signals. These failures are principally related to inadequate pricing (requiring the full resource costs to be incorporated into market prices—across all sectors), and poor flows of information for consumers (comprehensive labelling schemes will help consumers make informed choices).

  Introduce government regulation to build on and protect the improvements brought about through voluntary corporate self-regulatory initiatives such as ethical trade. At present they are welcome signs of consumer-driven market change, but are constantly threatened by changing consumer interests and fashions (inevitable outcomes of competing claims to consumers attention) which can erode the incentive for firms to maintain the standards. Instead, corporate voluntary measures could be instituted in regulation as new "minimum standards" and continuously ratcheted up, to consolidate and strengthen government boundary-setting of the market.

  Support social and economic niches for alternative technologies and consumption patterns can be carved out, and provide valuable pioneering examples which the mainstream may learn from and potentially adopt in the future. But they are hampered by higher levels of decision-making, in terms of funding and practical support, but also in terms of the general social acceptability of such projects. Most importantly they need "policy space" in which to operate—in other words, current regulatory frameworks (on taxes and state benefits, and planning regulations in these two examples) need to be changed to allow these non-conventional initiatives to thrive and achieve their aims.

  An illustrative example is that of community currencies such as Local Exchange Trading Schemes (LETS) and time banks, and NU-Spaarpas which are all new forms of local money designed to serve a social, community or environmental purpose.

    —  A LETS is a cashless economy which allows people in a locality to exchange goods and services without using money, and there are now about 300 schemes in the UK involving some 20,000 people. LETS has been widely described as "green" money for its potential to strengthen decentralised self-reliant local economies, encourage recycling and sharing of resources, and enable people to access "environmentally friendly", low-consumption alternatives to mainstream market offerings such as locally grown food, or handicrafts.

    —  A second model of community currencies is Time Banks, whose currency is based on time, and everyone's time is worth the same. By rewarding the unpaid labour that people put into their communities and social reproduction, time banks encourage reciprocity, build social capital, and challenge existing hierarchies of labour value—all of which are Egalitarian principles. Time banks are growing in the UK: the first project was established in 1998 and the 2002 national evaluation found that there were a total of about 2,196 members in 36 projects and nearly 64,000 hours exchanged. By 2004 the number of projects had grown to 68 (www.timebanks.co.uk). Community currencies are attracting participants among the most socially excluded neighbourhoods in the UK, perhaps because they offer accessible means to redefine social institutions of wealth and work. In many cases, LETS and time banks have emerged as community responses to the negative impacts of unrestrained global capitalism.

    —  A third example of a local currency designed for a specific purpose is the NU-card, a "green point" currency in the Netherlands. This currency is designed to promote environmentally-friendly consumer behaviour, and acts like a reward card. Points are earned when residents separate their waste for recycling, use public transport, or shop locally. Extra points can be earned by purchasing "green" or "ethical" produce (such as organic food, fairly traded goods, recycled products etc) at a range of participating local stores. The points can then be redeemed for more sustainable consumer goods, public transport passes, or cinema tickets, or donated to charity. In this way, there are incentives to change behaviour both when earning and spending the points, and private businesses benefit at the same time as public goals are met. The points circulate in a closed-loop system, and card scanners in participating shops feed data into a central set of accounts. This currency has been piloted in Rotterdam in 2002, in the Netherlands, and there is growing interest in adopting the card elsewhere to promote sustainable consumption.

Promote Public Engagement

  Government can also take steps to increase the number of people willing and able to take a pro-active stance towards sustainable development. The traditional measure of political engagement—voting turnout in a representative democracy—has shown a sharp decline in recent years, with increasing numbers of people feeling detached from public life. Local participative or direct democracy address this democratic gap, and have become increasingly important as a structure for engaging citizens fully with decision-making. A recent Swiss study of the impacts of direct democracy found that greater participation in local referenda boosted quality of life regardless of the outcomes; in other words, being consulted, having one's views heard and taken into account, and feeling valued for this participation is rewarding in its own right, and fosters greater civic engagement. There is enormous scope for innovation in local government to introduce a range of empowering, educational deliberative tools which aim to combat fatalism by bringing people together to discuss pertinent issues, and enabling decisions to be taken as far as possible by the communities affected by them. Examples include Future Search meetings to plan local development; and Democs ((Deliberative meetings organized by citizens) is a new initiative which helps any group of people to learn about and work through an issue of public policy (see work by the New Economics Foundation); while time banks have already been piloted as a tool to reward public input into local public service delivery.

  It is my considered view that the government would achieve more significant shifts towards sustainable consumption by supporting and making space for enthusiastic grassroots community groups, rather than through a top-down coercive approach, or by leaving it to the market.

April 2004





24   This submission also included an article by Dr Seyfang, entitled "Consuming Values and Contested Cultures: A Critical Analysis of the UK Strategy for Sustainable Consumption and Production", which is due to be published in the forthcoming September edition of Review of Social Economy, Vol. 62, No 3. Please also see www.uea.ac.uk/e175. Back


 
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