Select Committee on Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Professor Sir John Marsh

IMPLEMENTATION OF CAP REFORM IN THE UK

PART A—CAP REFORM AND UK INTERESTS

1.   The Character of the 2003 CAP Reform and UK Interests?

  1.1  The Fischler reform is the most profound change in the CAP since its origin in 1962. The MacSharry reform of 1994 broke the link between consumer prices and the prices received by farmers by introducing direct payments. The 2003 reform breaks the link between direct payments and commodity production by introducing the principle of decoupling. The justification for payments to farmers has become a mixture of environmental targets, social targets (including rural communities and equity), and compensation for lower prices. These payments are visible. As a result they will have to compete with other demands on the budget of the EU.

  1.2  As things stand, although payments are decoupled from commodities the amount paid is still based on historic levels of payments to farmers, derived primarily from past production practices. Whilst this meets a need to compensate losers from the change in policy, it is inconsistent with the other reasons given to justify payment; the environment and equity. This makes the payments increasingly vulnerable in terms of the goals of the policy itself. This is reflected in the decision to introduce degression and modulation This enables a gradual reduction of direct payments and a shift to other, defined objectives. Money saved by degression will also become available to support the reform of other commodity regimes and to cope with the extension of the CAP to new members.

  1.3  The reform was conceived in preparation for the final negotiations of the Doha round of WTO trade negotiations. That process collapsed in Cancum but is widely expected to be revived in further negotiations. Any settlement will require improved access to protected markets, notably that of the EU and the reduction, if not the elimination of export subsidies. The effect of this is likely to be lower and more volatile commodity prices within the EU.

  1.4  This radical change in the CAP, especially if viewed in the context of a successful outcome to the WTO negotiations, is greatly in the interests of the UK. It will lower consumer food prices and require UK farmers to adjust their farming activities in order to maximise their incomes. It will lead to more efficient resource use, discouraging production where the value of output is less than the costs of inputs, where both are measured at market prices. However, the CAP still imposes considerable costs on the UK. These arise because reform is spread out over a long period, because there remain several costly and unreformed regimes and because the UK will remain a net contributor to the EU budget, the distribution of which is based on past levels of production in member countries. This does not reflect current public interests of the UK or EU. A general theme of this note is that the strategic aim of the UK must be to establish a timetable for the phasing out all payments based on historic criteria and a requirement that any continuing payments from the EU budget relate explicitly to current public interest goals of the Community as a whole.

2.   Member state discretion

  2.1  An important element in the reform is the extent to which its introduction and application is left to decision by the member states. This creates a possibility of distortion in intra-Community trade. The Commission has responsibility to prevent this. However, its record in relation to beef imports is not reassuring. This must be an area of continuing vigilance for the UK Government. Some of the areas of discretion are discussed in the following paragraphs.

3.   The single farm payment

  3.1  This is due to start in 2005 apart from milk, which comes into the scheme from 2006-07 Member states may postpone its introduction until 2007. They may also choose to decouple the milk single payment as early as 2005. In terms of rational resource use, the sooner decoupling takes place the better. If some farm support systems remain coupled, whilst others are not, this will delay the necessary adjustment in the use of the resources. This will result in higher long run costs for farmers and the economy. Farmers, in a wholly decoupled environment, will have to rethink their production strategies plotting actual costs against market receipts. This will involve substantial adjustments in farming practice. Delay will simply continue inefficiency and distort the adjustments between member countries. It violates a major justification for the CAP, the retention of an undistorted market for intra-Community trade.

  3.2  The single farm payment represents a means of sustaining income whilst the necessary resource adjustments take place. Agreement on a date for its final withdrawal would help to ensure that the decisions to use resources in agriculture or in other sectors would be determined by the market, not by some historic accident of past production.

  3.3  The regulation also makes provision for the payments to be paid per hectare, although their amount is to be based on production at the end of 2002. This would bring about a substantial income redistribution. This might have some political justification by benefiting farmers who derived little from past commodity regimes. It would, however, prop up farm businesses that are non-viable. It is contrary to the logic of moving the industry towards a market-oriented basis. If these payments become legitimised in terms of social criteria the enlargement of the EU could make them an enduring cost for the UK. This would frustrate attempts to base expenditure not on past production levels but current needs and demonstrated, verifiable benefits to the public.

4.   Set aside

  4.1  The continuation of set aside is evidence of the failure of policy makers to allow markets to determine the level of production. The regulation allows additional set aside obligations to be required, "in the case of market needs". This is a long way from a "market" solution. If a WTO settlement bans export subsidies and removes a substantial element of tariff protection, there will be no need for set aside. Supply will settle at a level at which, taking one year with another, allows market prices to cover costs. Set aside is a deliberate waste of resource, it ties up land that could be used more productively for other purposes and impedes the adjustment of the industry to changing markets and technologies.

  4.2  This crude supply control device has been made respectable by linkage to environmental policies. To secure genuine environmental gain complex rules have to be devised, specifying what land may, and what may not be "set aside", who can be exempt and what use, if any, may be made of the land. Such regulations impose costs in enforcement and create opportunities for evasion. Any environmental gain they secure depends on the continuation of direct payments.

  4.3  The UK government should seek the end of set aside and allow market prices to regulate supply. Environmental targets should be secured at least economic cost. To do so will require a mixture of regulations designed to prevent environmental damage and payments for defined public benefits for which land users should compete.

5.   Cross compliance

  5.1  To receive payments farmers have to respect statutory management requirements relating to public, animal and plant health, occupational safety, the environment and animal welfare. These are defined for the Community as a whole. All permanent grass at the end of 2002 is to be retained. Farmers also have to maintain "good agricultural conditions", defined by the member state. Member states may add supplementary management conditions. Farmers who fail to observe these requirements will receive reduced or no payments.

  5.2  In principle this is a device legitimising payments by enshrining them in some currently approved farming practices. It is hostile to innovation, it is insensitive to markets and it is often defined in political terms. Its effectiveness as an environmental instrument depends upon the continuation of decoupled direct payments. The Council of Ministers succumbed to this politically convenient approach and the UK government has shown no reluctance to apply it. This should not be allowed to obscure the more important goal of phasing out all direct payments.

  5.3  The effect of cross compliance on UK farmers will depend upon what happens in the market. Competition within EU markets mean that differences in the definition of cross compliance, and in the monitoring and enforcement of the defined standards together with any supplementary requirements, will affect the viability of farm enterprises differently within differing parts of the EU. A WTO settlement, which involved freer access to EU markets would expose producers in the UK to competition from exporters who do not face similar constraints. Farmers in this country may feel alarmed on two scores. First, the relative power of the UK environmental lobby to secure objectives that impose costs on the industry rather than the public purse. Second, the tendency of the UK civil service to "gold plate" regulations.

6.   Degression and Modulation

  6.1  Direct payments are to be reduced by a formula that exempts the smallest farms. Part of the money saved will be returned to the member state to support its rural development programme. Part will be retained by the Community to fund the reform of more CAP regimes. The formula used penalises the UK because it has a larger share of bigger farms. This asymmetrical impact of the reform on member countries stems from the origin of the payments in terms of historic entitlements based on production. A long-term solution depends upon funding being based on updated spending criteria that enable the Community as a whole to derive maximum benefit from budgetary resources.

  6.2  Under Agenda 2000 member states had been able to levy modulation up to 20% and apply the funds raised through the "accompanying measures" that figured in Agenda 2000. The 2003 Settlement makes modulation compulsory for all member states but limits it to a level (4.5%). Compulsion prevents distortions arising if member states impose differing rates of modulation but the funds raised are less than those needed to meet current or planned levels of expenditure under the UK Rural Development Programme. The financial discipline, which is part of the settlement, may mean that the EU will need to raise the rate of degression to fund later stages of the policy, when additional commodities are brought into the system. This, too, may limit funding from EU sources available for rural development programmes.

  6.3  Modulation is essentially an attempt to legitimise payments that derive from justifications that no longer exist. They divert public funds to particular public interest issues within the control of Agricultural Ministries. They do not liberate them to be used where they can secure greatest value for the Community as a whole. Politically they may make it more difficult to argue for the total phasing out of direct payments. The UK government should see this as, at best a temporary stop-gap arrangement until the Community can move to more rational agricultural and environmental policies.

PART B—THE IMPACT ON THE UK AGRICULTURAL SECTOR

7.   The benefits to the UK

  7.1  Defra Economists have produced a valuable, systematic analysis of the overall economic impact of applying the CAP reforms[1]. This shows a net benefit to the UK economy of between

0.6 billion and

0.9 billion. For producer returns, too, the impact is positive showing benefits of up to

0.5. The study makes clear the complex set of assumptions that have to be made in reaching any conclusion and although it was carried out in advance of the final settlement of the MTR debate, its general conclusions still provide a sensible guide about the likely short to medium term impact of the policy on the UK agricultural sector. There are however a number of underlying political and economic issues that need to be recognised.

  7.2  The process of decoupling means that profitability will depend upon market outcomes. Characteristically agricultural markets are volatile, partly as a result of the impacts on production of weather and disease and partly because investment decisions are made by businesses that have no means of knowing what their competitors are doing. Greater volatility translates into increased real costs of production. How far it affects producer incomes will depend upon their strategies for risk management. One result of decades of commodity price support has been to diminish the incentive to devise and apply risk management tools. The new policy will add to the importance for UK agriculture of strong links within the food chain.

  7.3  Decoupled markets move in response to aggregate supply and demand movements. During the past four or five decades supply costs have been falling, and market prices have tended to fall in real terms. Critics will argue that this is the result of the underestimation of the social costs of production such as pollution, loss of habitat etc. However, at a global level it is unlikely during the next decade that these considerations will have more than marginal impact on the costs farmers face. As a result, it is not unreasonable to expect innovations in production to lead to continued reductions in cost. Demand is expected to grow, particularly in some populous countries of the Far East. Much of the increased market will be supplied by the consuming countries. However, world trade will also grow.

  7.4  The outcome in terms of the prices available to farmers in the UK will depend on the degree to which global production increases. At this stage, there is no physical reason why, given investment in areas so far under-capitalised, production should not grow substantially. Ultimately climate change may alter this picture but in the immediate future production is more likely to be limited by uncertainties about the impact of political and economic instability on world trade. The reformed CAP and a WTO settlement imply that UK farming industry will have to compete in this market. To succeed it will have to contain its costs.

  7.5  Supply costs are the outcome of factor prices and factor productivity. Within the UK, rising real incomes lead to higher factor costs. Most obviously, the labour used to generate farm inputs and the labour used on the farm is affected by the overall level of rewards in the economy as a whole. Whilst there may be some lag in adjustment, businesses have to pay the going rate for labour or do without it. Factor productivity is affected by innovation much of it derived from the application of scientific discovery. In much of the world governments and international agencies have invested heavily in support of research and extension. This has enabled production to outstrip demand despite rising wage levels.

  7.6  There is no reason to believe that progress in this direction cannot be continued, however, in the EU pressures on factor pricing and factor use mean that it may be more difficult to secure increased competitiveness. Where land and water are required for urban development, roads or recreation the prices for land these activities can afford greatly exceed any profit that can be generated in farming. Politically Europeans see in land a resource that is not just for food production but for a diversity of values. These include measurables such as the storage and management of water supplies and more intangible benefits such as landscape, bio-diversity and wildlife. The reformed policy responds to these preferences through its support for the environmental programme and an increasing array of regulations. These may reduce factor productivity, raising agricultural costs. Where farmers have to compete in an international market, the outcome will be a smaller agricultural sector.

  7.7  For some commodities member states are given discretion about the extent to which and the date at which the single farm payment has to be decoupled from production. They are also allowed to decide if these payments should be made to the farmers whose previous production provides the basis entitlements or are distributed on an area basis. These choices have some significant economic and political consequences for the UK.

  7.8  Where payments remained coupled they directly impact on the profitability of particular enterprises. The total return to "coupled" farmers will be the market price plus the single payment (or such part of it as remains coupled). The return to decoupled farmers will be the market price alone. Implicitly this will compel decoupled farmers to adjust farming systems and shift production away from areas where they face competition from coupled farmers. This could shift production towards a pattern not justified by relative costs. If we assume that the aggregate production of the EU is constrained by market forces, farmers in "decoupled countries" will be forced to make adjustments to accommodate the failure to adjust in "coupled countries". Such a situation would discriminate against new member countries where no coupled payments are in view. The UK has opted for full decoupling but it must ensure that any continuing "coupling"' in other member countries is limited and temporary.

  7.9  The choice of making payments on an area basis is discussed briefly in paragraph 3.3 above.

PART C—PROGRESS WITH PROPOSALS OF THE POLICY COMMISSION

8.   Sustainable Farming and Food

  8.1  The Government published its detailed response to the Policy Commission on the Future of Farming and Food in December 2002. Its paper The Strategy for Sustainable Farming and Food, indicates acceptance of the approach adopted by the Curry Commission and many of its proposals. Since then it has established the Independent Implementation Group, chaired by Sir Don Curry to oversee the application of the government's strategy.

  8.2  It is too soon to expect major results. However, some important progress has been made and some institutional machinery put in place. The Food Chain Centre is now up and running. Co-operation through the food chain is being fostered by English Farming and Food Partnerships. Public bodies have been exhorted to buy more British Food. Demonstration farms have been selected and progress has been made in developing an independent body to ensure standards for the assured farm foods. The most discussed part of the report, the introduction of a broad and shallow environment scheme has found approval with government although relabelled an Entry Level Scheme.

  8.3  The analysis that informs the CAP reform programme has much in common with that of the Policy Commission. It is therefore frustrating that the outcome of CAP reform should in some ways impede the redirection of funding proposed by Curry. Before CAP reform the UK Government was able to remove up to 20% of direct payments to use for environmental and rural development purposes. The Commission recommended that the UK Government should increase the amount modulated from 4.5% to 10% in 2004. Its proposals for a broad and shallow scheme required this sort of level of funding. The 2003 Settlement fixes a ceiling of 4.5%. The Government may be able to negotiate some form of transitional arrangement but the process illustrates the difficulty of making one policy dependent upon the continuation of another one—as do both cross compliance and modulation. In principle, and subject to the agreement of the other members of the EU, that the sorts of scheme proposed by Curry are not trade distorting, they should be funded by member countries themselves in terms of their own assessment of their interests. The route via Brussels is cumbersome, bureaucratic and wasteful.

  8.4  If the Strategy for Sustainable Farming and Food is to be secure, it needs to be accepted, in its own right, as a good use of UK public funds, competing successfully with all other state supported activities. If it is not it will be vulnerable to changes in the CAP including variations in the way direct payments may be used and their eventual phasing out—a key long run objective for the UK. At this stage it may be wiser to adopt a smaller programme but one that that would endure even if direct payments based on historic entitlements cease.

Professor Sir John Marsh

November 2003



1   Assessment of the Economic Impact of the Commission's Long Term Perspective for Sustainable Agriculture. Agricultural Policy and Food Chain Economics Defra. March 2003. Back


 
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