Select Committee on Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 160-179)

SIR BEN GILL AND MR MARTIN HAWORTH

21 JANUARY 2004

  Q160 Mr Wiggin: Can I follow up on another point you made, which is that you would hope these changes will see younger farmers coming in? Is there not a risk that these payments will be a barrier, because new people will not get them and therefore you will again have a two-tier pricing system?

  Sir Ben Gill: No, I do not think that is necessarily the case. It is quite possible in one scenario that farmer A decides, "I want to take life a bit easier, but I want to live on the farm. So I have got to do the cross-compliance, I have got to submit a schedule to show that is happening and so will allow young Joe here to come and farm my land, and he may only pay a nominal rent, or I may pay him £5 an acre, say, in recognition of the fact that I will be deriving the premium payment for doing that." So you are paying him to do the cross-compliance for you, which allows him to focus on the market place. That is a fundamental possibility. It comes to back to the point the Chairman made at the start. On what basis should you determine your economic activity? You should determine it solely on the market place. For those who talk about the problems of buying a right to further underline this point, I cannot conceive that if somebody goes into a business outright why they would want to buy the right? What are you doing? If you have got a sum of money that you would need to have to buy the right, all you are doing is buying a right to a discounted cash flow, actually a very uncertain discounted cash flow because you do not know how long it is going to be time-limited, you do not know the levels of modulation and financial discipline or any other deductions that may come about. I suggest you might be far more secure taking that capital sum and investing it with an appropriate financial institution to give you an income stream, or, indeed, in more land or a different business.

  Q161 Mr Mitchell: What system for the single farm payment are the other parts of the UK likely to chose?

  Mr Haworth: As far as we know, in Scotland they have not made a decision yet but have indicated very firmly that they will adopt an historic approach. In Wales, again they have not made an announcement. We believe they are not likely to do that until mid February, but the minister Carwyn Jones has publicly said several times that he personally favours the historic approach and would need to be persuaded, with very strong arguments, to take any other approach. In Ulster there seems to be a general consensus in favour of a very complicated hybrid system. We do not need to go into the details of that, but it is important to understand the reasons why they are in favour of that. Of course, Ben has been going on all along that one of the problems with the hybrid system, or any regional averaging system, is that it takes away the money from the tenant and gives it to the landlord. Of course in Ulster they do not have landlords and tenants because of Gladstone's reforms in the nineteenth century, so there is no class of landlord and no class of tenant. What there is is a number of people who rent land informally for a less than a year, the conacre system. An historic system would have a great difficulty in dealing with that because it is very complicated to work out who was farming the land in any given period. So the regional approach in their case is an easier one and they have adopted a very complicated hybrid system, but that is done, I would have to say, on the basis of pretty near 100% consensus amongst all the parties in Northern Ireland. In England, well, we know the situation. The rest of Europe, you also ask? As I mentioned before, in the negotiations we know, and we have always known, that Denmark and Germany were attracted by a regional averaging system. Those are the two countries that have declared that they will do that. In Germany it is again an enormously complicated system. It would involve going to a total averaging system on the arable side straight away, going to a partially average system on the livestock side and gradually phasing in a totally average system; but it will be done over a long period of time and, crucially, it will done on a regional basis, on a lender basis, so each of the individual German lenders will have their own system. In order to reach that agreement between the federal ministry and the regional governments, they had to accept that the there would be a mechanism in place to prevent a redistribution of more than 5% plus or minus between each of the lend. So you have there a recipe for a fantastically complicated system. Denmark again is, I suppose, more parallel to Northern Ireland. There is a consensus in favour of a hybrid model, but that hybrid model also involves only part of the decoupling in some sectors, notably in the beef sector, so it is not a totally decoupled system. The other thing about Denmark which differentiates it from England, and is also true, by the way, of Northern Ireland, is that there is a very, very small area of unsupported crops in Denmark. So it is not such a big issue in Denmark as it is in England, this area of unsupported crops. That is also true of Ulster. In the rest of Europe all the other countries as far as we are aware, but in most cases they have not made a firm and final declaration, will adopt the historic approach. If you look at the ten new Member countries, the ones that are going to come in in May of this year, eight of them will immediately go to a totally regional approach. Two of them at the moment have already set in train the mechanism to start paying individual payments, so it looks likely that those two countries will start off on something like an historic approach but very quickly move to a regional approach. Again, it is not surprising that that is the decision of those new Member States because, of course, they never had any direct payments, so it would be strange if they adopted an historic approach given that they historically never had any payments. So that is the situation.

  Q162 Joan Ruddock: I think at one point Ben said it would be rather disastrous if the UK was out of synch, other countries adopting simplistic methods and we developing a very complex method. We have obviously just heard some more suggestions and comparisons with Germany, Denmark and the UK. How do you think the different implementation decisions could actually affect UK producers? In which of the sectors will we be disadvantaged, do you predict, and how?

  Mr Haworth: I think that is very, very complicated. Suppose England were to adopt a regional average approach and suppose most of our competitors had an historic approach, then it would follow that there would be some sectors that would find themselves in England at a competitive disadvantage and some at a competitive advantage. It would vary from sector to sector. If we, for example, had a regional average and if we took a hybrid such as the hybrid favoured by the CLA, it would mean we would immediately give a lot of money to potato growers who previously had no support whatsoever. Therefore you would have an immediate competitive distortion between potato growers in England and Wales, if they had a different system, and Ireland and France. Vice versa, our cereal farmers would find themselves disadvantaged against their main competitors, which are the French. Equally, the beef sector would be one of the sectors that would lose out under an averaging system. You would find that beef farmers in England would be at a disadvantage compared to Scotland, who plainly are not going to go on an average system, and also against Wales, France and Ireland, who would be our main competitors. So there would be swings and roundabouts, but it is those competitive disadvantages, or advantages and disadvantages, that we feel mean that it would be better for England to adopt the system which most of the rest of Europe is going to adopt; and if we are going to move eventually to a different system, maybe a regional average system, that should be done at a regional level. I am picking up the point that Ben made earlier.

  Q163 Joan Ruddock: You say that some are advantaged and some are disadvantaged. In terms of the big picture of UK agriculture, what kind of balance is there between disadvantage and advantage?

  Sir Ben Gill: I think you would say that the advantage is spread very thinly and so is very minimal, but in some of the cases we could see a serious disadvantage. The sectors that currently receive the highest level of hectarage payment, and hence historic payment, would be the beef sector and also the dairy sector as it slowly graded up into the decoupled payment system. For example, the dairy sector is scheduled to receive in total—I think it is 3.5p per litre compensation. So if you have a stocking rate of, say, two cows per hectare at, say, 7,000 litres, that is 14,000 litres per hectare, 3.5p per litre, that is going to work out at about just under £500 per hectare. That is quite a significant variation from the payments received, say, in the arable sector, which is about half of that. What you would find is that the people who would suffer would be the entrepreneurial young farmers—the people who have developed their businesses, expanded it, they have a bigger quota, they are more intensive—and they would suffer quite significantly. That would then be spread. So the benefits would be obviously those unsupported sectors, the fruit and vegetable sector, but also the sugar beet sector, because there is no reform of the sugar beet sector at all at the moment. I am a sugar beet grower; I would benefit. In fact, because I am also a sheep farmer as well as a cereal farmer, net I would benefit by going down the regional averaging system; but I believe it is morally wrong because I do not see the right of affording me additional remuneration when I have done nothing new. I just do not see it is right. I feel that quite strongly. I make that point to the Government: how do you justify, on the basis of what we are doing, simply to make you feel a little bit more comfortable, that you are going to give me more money? I cannot see that is right.

  Q164 Joan Ruddock: You have both indicated that there would be problems with the four countries in the UK adopting different methods. Is that more significant or less significant than how England compares with other European states?

  Sir Ben Gill: I think on balance it is more significant, although it depends on the sector and it depends where your major competitors are. In beef it would be very significant with the Republic of Ireland, but it would be also significant with Scotland and Wales. In cereals, obviously the Republic of Ireland would not be a major factor; neither would Wales and Scotland, but France would be the major competition, not forgetting that they will have a lower level of modulation anyway. So there will be a significant availability of extra resource going elsewhere into the industry and not available within the area of the arable sector to help go through the transit period.

  Q165 Joan Ruddock: Do you think there is any prospect of the four countries in the UK coming to some agreement?

  Sir Ben Gill: I think in terms of Northern Ireland, no, because they have the separate tenure arrangements which are fundamentally different, and they have a totally different balance, being essentially based on grass land economy. I think there is a very clear possibility that the three home countries, England, Wales and Scotland, could agree, but it would have to be on one solution only, and that would be historic.

  Q166 Chairman: What is your latest estimate as to when some formal announcement is going to be made on this?

  Sir Ben Gill: Thank you for the question, Chairman. I would hope that we could have a decision as soon as possible, but bearing mind it needs to have gone through all the processes to ensure that unforeseen circumstances have been anticipated, I would have every expectation that it could be available within the next 27 days.

  Q167 Chairman: I admire the precision of the envelope with which we can now surround ourselves on this, and we look forward to the twenty-seventh day.

  Sir Ben Gill: The twenty-seventh day, Chairman, is the 17th February.

  Q168 Chairman: Indeed. It sounds very interesting. I want to move on to the issue of the national envelope and deductions. I wanted, first of all, to ask you a methodological question about the basis upon which the various deductions, if there is a national envelope, will be made and the modulated payments. If a farmer has, for example £100, for the sake of ease of calculation, and there was an envelope which it is suggested could have a maximum deduction of 10%, would the 10% be deducted from the £100 or would it be in terms of modulation: do you start with 3%, 4%, 5%? Let us say you got down to 95. Do you knock the 10% off the 95? How does it work?

  Mr Haworth: The modulation comes first and then the national envelope comes after that.

  Q169 Chairman: The deduction is on the amount that you arrive at after the preceding deductions have taken place?

  Mr Haworth: Yes.

  Q170 Chairman: That is how it works?

  Sir Ben Gill: As currently construed.

  Q171 Chairman: I am grateful for that. In your evidence, in paragraph 29[7], you say, "The administration of the national envelope appears horrendously complicated." I would just like to say, before complexity sets in, have we any idea what the UK Government would do with its national envelope if it exercises that option?

  Mr Haworth: The British Government has—it is very complicated saying things like "British Government" because this is an English issue.

  Q172 Chairman: Let us stick with the English and Welsh!

  Mr Haworth: No, because England and Wales is different. These will be made at a devolved level. The Government, let me put it like that, has asked an independent group of consultants to come up with some ideas. I think they have come up with a first set of ideas—I think there are about ten—that if there were to be a national envelope, these are some of the things that could be used. I cannot remember off the top of my head what they all are, but the two which, were there to be a national envelope, would seem to be the most likely or most favoured would be something like a scheme to help extensive beef production in some form or another—whether that would be across the whole country or whether it would be targeted on specific areas would be second-tier questions—and the second would be a scheme to in some way aid or help organic production. Those seem the most likely.

  Q173 Chairman: Forgive me, because I am still grappling with the complexity of this, but my understanding of the way the envelope worked was that you had to spend the money that you took from a sector within the sector. So how do you like the idea almost of a rob Peter to pay Paul policy?

  Sir Ben Gill: I do not like the idea of robbing Peter to pay Paul. I believe that the concept of national envelope was introduced into the negotiations in June in Luxembourg, as an interim stage to try and find consensus instead of partial decoupling. It did not transpire that it was sufficient to buy over those voters who wanted partial decoupling and should have been removed from the final script because it is a concept that is fundamentally flawed. It is, in effect, nothing other than a means to partially decouple—to recouple—but it is a partial decoupling concept. It is the same. It was interesting that I saw a paper given by the Scottish Agriculture College who had studied in detail the wisdom of one of the two options that Mr Haworth has just referred to, which is the beef sector, that you top-slice all the beef payments by 10% and then pay it back to a suckler cow, a payment in the form of a suckler cow premium. Their conclusion was very clear. It was a waste of time, money and resources. It would have no pertinent effect on the business decision taken by the farmer, it would just create a bureaucracy to deduct the money and then reapply it to the farmer with all the constraints that would have to be put in place. I come back to another point that I have repeatedly made, which we did not include in a fundamental principle but I think has always been our objective. We have agonised how you go from A to B for a long time, and maybe you can find some partial elements, but we have come to the conclusion that the best way is cold turkey. Go there the whole hog and keep the payments steady to give some people comfort for a period of time, recognising that that will have to be reviewed at a period to be determined.

  Q174 Chairman: In your evidence in paragraph 31 you have added up the deductions to a possible grand total of 23%. Could you give us a breakdown as to how that number was arrived at? If it is difficult now, drop us a note.

  Mr Haworth: Yes. Well, we are just looking here. We know that there is bound to be a national reserve, and that has to be made by deductions from everyone's payments, and that is likely to be up to 3%, but 3% is the maximum it could be. There is modulation which has now been introduced on a compulsory European basis that starts at 3% and rises to 5% in the European basis, but there is also the possibility of a national modulation. We in the UK are the only country in Europe who now has a national modulation. It is currently at the level of 3.5% in the UK. It will automatically rise to 4.5% next year, but there was an agreement made that if a government had decided schemes which required funding through national modulation and those were in place by 2005, then they could increase their level of national modulation up to 10% and could continue to do that as long as they needed the extra money to finance the schemes. It is likely, in England at any rate, that that could happen because the Government does intend to introduce a new measure, the entry level scheme, which would require national modulation, possibly about 7.5% in total, so we would then move to a modulation which would be at least 10%. National envelope could be another 10%, so that gives us 23%.

  Q175 Alan Simpson: When you were answering questions earlier you said that the CAP reform as—I am not sure whether it was yourself or Martin—was designed to be compensation for farmers, not payments in the round. You have also said in your submissions that you see the CAP reform and the sustainable food and farming strategy as being mutually reinforcing. You also said, quite specifically, decoupling will allow producers to focus on real market needs. It will remove the perception that support policies have encouraged unhealthy types of production. I am just an urban hick on this, so you will have to bear with me, but I would like you to spell out for me how exactly you see the decoupling working to reduce chemical inputs, strengthen local and regional markets, deliver fresher produce for people, shorten links between the producer and the consumer and reduce food miles. Those are the sorts of issues that have been critical, from a consumer point of view, about our whole approach to sustainable food.

  Sir Ben Gill: The problems we have with the existing system is that the complexities of the system have meant that I have had as a farming business to become focused excessively on the constraints of obtaining the various premiums, without which I cannot farm. Can I give you a simple example? I run about 500 breeding ewes. I have to apply for the annual premium on those ewes, which has to be in each year before February 5th. I am then constrained to keep those 500 ewes on my premises, or, if I move them off my premises, I have to notify where there they have gone, for a period of 100 days, which runs to the middle of May. You may say that is a minor inconvenience, but problems can arise. Lambing is a notoriously difficult time where ewes have a propensity to die. You can suddenly find yourself below numbers, you have got problems through no bad management, you have got bad outbreaks of abortion, whatever. There are further points in the market place. Historically, because of certain of the market places, particularly with ethnic markets, there has always been a demand for cull ewe meat around Easter. That period of Easter falls right in the middle of that retention period. Just suppose I had a ewe that has a single lamb and she loses her lamb? I am constrained. I cannot sell that lamb. I have to keep it on the farm until May 15 or notify the authorities and lose the premium and everything else that goes with it, which is very complex. I cannot avail myself of a higher market price, and, what is more, you then have a flush of ewes coming on the market post May 15. So the market drops and is depressed. So I am losing out. If you take the beef sector, what happens there? We have a system of premium, I will pick on one of them, which is the beef special premium. The first instalment to be paid is at 8 months, the second at 20 months. There is an encouragement to keep the animals longer, a principle which originates from the Irish concept of aged cattle who would like to keep a third at 30 months. In terms of efficiency, this is remarkably inefficient. To be finished most efficiently is the shortest period of time you can get to a particular weight and confirmation, because every day there is an overhead of the maintenance ration of the animal. Furthermore, because you are keeping it for that second retention period to get that payment, there are sufficient examples of cases where people have retained it through that period, the animal becomes over fat, the final value is devalued by the fact that it has become over fat, so the market place suffers, the farmer suffers, without realising it probably, and everybody is a loser. It has got more costs, less from the market place, just for what? All these factors come together to make us focus on the market place. It is not quite as clear in the arable sector, but nevertheless it will become focused as we move away from the concerns, focusing on the IACS application period. We will have greater flexibility to move the crops as we want, rather than worrying that we have notified the authorities. We can reduce the acreage much more reasonably without worrying at short notice in times of weather extremes, etc. It will be much more focused on saying: "Right, what does the market want? It wants these varieties of wheat or barley", because that will encourage that to develop because it becomes market base focused. Some of this will devolve more automatically from decoupling than others. The livestock examples I have given you are more automatic. The cereal example I will give you actually will become available because market farmers can focus on the market place, but will require implicitly the support of the structures I have talked about of well-run co-operatives, or co-operative type businesses, to encourage and direct the farmer that this is a better way to go in this business.

  Q176 Alan Simpson: Is this automatically going to strengthen the growth of local regional markets or not?

  Sir Ben Gill: I think what it will allow is the substantial enthusiasm that I find around the country of many farmers and their wives looking at how they can develop new products and tap into local markets. It will allow them to do so because it gives them the flexibility. If, as the regulation says, you have not changed your farming acreage from one year to another, then you just send in a form ticking the box saying you have not changed, and that is all you need to do. So you can really focus, not on retention periods, not on whether or not you have the right amount of this, that or the other in the plan, but get on with the job in hand, which is marketing; and that is a tremendous fillip. In addition, this will all work together with the other changed dynamics in the market place, but we have that opportunity.

  Q177 Mr Lepper: Those opportunities are more likely to be enhanced by the historic basis rather than the regional?

  Sir Ben Gill: No, decoupling.

  Q178 Mr Lepper: I just wanted to get to what it is. Decoupling, or the way in which it is implemented?

  Sir Ben Gill: It is decoupling per se that delivers this benefit, but, of course, because of the reasons I have given you of the potential frictional costs of what is a very significant change in the procedures and the need to get through those frictional periods, reducing to a minimum all the dynamics that you can, we would argue for the historic. I think there is a further dimension that perhaps I should have referred to before, which is another factor there. I have already highlighted the sector that would probably derive most redistribution, but one of the sectors is the beef sector. There will be additional friction payments in the beef sector, probably starting at or around the time of the implementation of the reform, with the unwinding of the over 30 months' scheme, hence the release of redundant cows younger than those born on 1st August 1996 coming on the market place, and we will need to integrate that into our systems as well. So that is another period of potential change and friction that is adding to the two, which brings us back to the point, notwithstanding the problems in the unsupported sector, which are real, notwithstanding all the other issues that we have talked about, the least worst option of them all is to go down the historic recognising that it will be reviewed in due course.

  Q179 Mr Lepper: Could I perhaps finally ask Sir Ben if we could have his choice and a prediction. Again, you have looked forward to 17 March, I think.

  Sir Ben Gill: 17 February.


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