Select Committee on Foreign Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Note submitted by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office

IRISH PRESIDENCY: EMERGING PRIORITIES

  1.  I thought I should pull together the threads of what we have gleaned on Irish Presidency priorities before David Frost's meeting on Friday. Almost all of this has been reported separately: this piece is designed to be a single reference point. A list showing the timing and location of meetings in Ireland during the Presidency is attached separately.

  2.  The over-riding theme from all my contacts is that Irish ambitions for the Presidency are pragmatically low. This is for a number of reasons:

    —  As a small member state, the machine is pretty much at full capacity just keeping things running smoothly;

    —  They see decreasing scope for any Presidency to impose its national agenda, particularly in the new context of three year multi-annual strategic programmes for the EU. And in any case this has never been the Irish way;

    —  Because the European Parliament will be dissolving, and the Commission approaching the end of its term, the window of opportunity for any legislation or new policy initiatives during the Irish Presidency is even more severely restricted than usual.

  3.  The DFA say Chris Patten summed up best the task for the first half of 2004: "Managing normalcy". That said, the Irish have identified a small number of key issues which they will prioritise during their Presidency.

PRESIDENCY PRIORITIES

IGC

  4.  Most in the DFA still expect this to spill over into the Irish Presidency, despite Berlusconi's ambition to complete it by December. The Irish are conscious that it would be easier for them to pursue their own national red lines if they were not holding the Presidency. But regardless, they will fight hard on their core concerns:

    —  Tax harmonisation.

    —  Moves to unanimity on some aspects of JHA, particularly criminal law

    —  ESDP/CFSP, particularly the ability of small groups to act "on behalf" of the EU without oversight by non-participating member states. On ESDP, as on all IGC issues, the prospect of a referendum will be very much on their minds. They will need a package they can sell as not undermining Irish neutrality.

  5.  The Irish will fight tooth and nail against any attempt to unpick the deal on institutions, particularly the Commission. And they have not given up on their suggestion that the European Foreign Minister (who in their view should not chair the External Relations Committee) should be supported by Deputies on regional/thematic issues, particularly one to act as an EU political representative in the US.

  6.  On Treaty signature, the Irish have put forward their cunning plan if the IGC is completed during their Presidency—national signature ceremonies in all MS, starting with the Presidency, and culminating in Rome at a ceremony to which the Italians would be welcome to invite all other MS. They are also conscious that there would need to be a European Council to conclude the IGC. They would expect to arrange this in Brussels—they do not have an appropriate venue to accommodate 25 Heads of Government, their delegations and all the necessary interpretation.

Spring Council

  7.  Contacts with UK opposite numbers are good. The Irish aim, which we support, is to have short, focussed conclusions on a handful of key issues. The conclusions should reflect a genuine discussion among Heads of Government. Emerging themes include: implementation of the Lisbon agenda and stocktaking at the half way stage; employment (the Kok report) and labour mobility; competitiveness (including the role of the Competitiveness Council; environmental technologies and R&D; entrepreneurship; pensions (though they would want discussion to focus on sustainability, where they are reasonably OK, rather than on adequacy, where they score less well); health cards. The Irish Government are still at the stage of squaring a short agenda with their own Government Departments. They expect to firm it up, in consultation with the Commission, in September.

  8.  The Irish are very committed to the Lisbon process, and genuinely want to inject new impetus. They also see getting media coverage for a Spring Council which is both positive and focussed on economic reform rather than on the live issue of the day as one of the big challenges of their Presidency.

Enlargement

  9.  The major concerns for the Irish Presidency are not so much on policy (though clearly there will be huge implications) as practical. The Irish are very conscious that the real physical expansion will take place on their watch, and are concerned about the implications for eg meeting rooms and interpretation. Their main aim will be to avoid any impression of chaos, and ensure that things continue to run smoothly. They will also want to ensure that negotiations with Romania and Bulgaria keep up to pace.

  10.  The Irish have just written to confirm that they will be hosting an enlargement event on 1 May 2004, to which all Heads of Government will be invited. This is very much Bertie Ahern's personal initiative. He thinks it inconceivable not to mark such a historic event, despite the inconvenience of the date, which is a bank holiday just about everywhere. In the interests of bringing the EU closer to the people, there will be a street carnival in Dublin, and other celebrations throughout Ireland. The formal event for Heads of Government will take place at Aras an Uachtarain around lunchtime, to allow Heads to get in and out within the day. I will report by telegram, to ensure a wide distribution.

JHA

  11.  The Treaty of Amsterdam set a deadline of May 2004 for completing measures on asylum, immigration and free movement. There is also much to be done on the broader Tampere programme, including a review of progress and development of a successor programme. So JHA will be a priority, but little information on substance has emerged to date—we will be digging over the summer.

EU/US

  12.  Probably the priority among external issues—though there will also be meetings of ASEM Foreign Ministers (April, Dublin) and Euromed Foreign Ministers (May, Dublin) during the Presidency. The focus will be on encouraging positive cooperation, and identifying concrete deliverables—I am reporting initial thinking on issues separately by telegram. Work will culminate in an EU/US Summit in the second half of May or the second half of June, almost certainly in Dublin.

PRESIDENCY DOCUMENTATION

  13.  The Irish are delighted that their national contribution to the Multi-annual Strategic Programme for the EU 2004-06 has been adopted by the Council Secretariat as the basis on which to produce the final document.

  14.  The Council Secretariat will produce after the summer a programme specifically for 2004. The Irish and the Dutch are providing input before drafting begins, in order to help shape the document. The Irish were particularly keen to do it this way, rather than commenting on a Secretariat draft.

  15.  Ireland's own Presidency report will come out only at the very end of December or in early January, and will attempt to set the political context for the Presidency, rather than just reiterating agenda items to be addressed.

  16.  We are arranging a series of meetings/lunches with EU coordinators in sectoral Ministries, to put together as full a picture as possible of Presidency themes in those areas which are being accorded less high priority.

Sarah Tiffin

First Secretary (EU/economic)

Foreign and Commonwealth Office


 
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