Memorandum submitted by Dr William J Sampson
I have recently returned to the United Kingdom
after two years, seven months and 23 days of incarceration in
Saudi Arabia, along with seven others (Alexander Mitchell, Les
Walker, Peter Brandon, James Cottle, James Lee, Glen Ballard and
Raf Schevyns) who were similarly detained. I was tortured and
brutalised into confessing to committing two bombings, one of
which resulted in the death of Christopher Rodway. I was further
made to confess to acting on the orders of the United Kingdom
government, naming Duncan MacDonald and Ian Wilson as my embassy
controllers. I was tried in secret, convicted of murder, and sentenced
to death by Al-had (partial beheading and crucifixion). I am innocent
of these crimes, as are the others so detained.
Of those detained, I am the only dual-national
(British and Canadian), and my case was initially handled by representatives
of the Canadian Government. This was against my stated request
to the Saudi Arabian authorities. I have been given to understand
that not withstanding the Saudi Arabian refusal to recognise my
dual-nationality; I was entitled under international treaty obligations
to be visited by representatives of Her Majesty's government.
As such, this has to be added to long list of my basic human rights
that the Saudi Arabian government violated.
The others and I were denied access to legal
council until after we had already been tried and convicted. We
were denied consular access during the initial phase of our detention
(in my case, the first six weeks). We were denied private, unmonitored
visits with our consular representatives. We were not allowed
to discuss our situation or the case with the consular representatives.
Alongside these basic violations, we were held in solitary confinement,
denied access to news and any information pertaining to our case,
kept under conditions of continuous light, physically tortured
by systematic beatings and sleep deprivation. Because of this
brutality, I suffered a heart attack and almost died due to the
special attention of my gaolers.
I came to believe, and was given every reason
to believe, that I would be executed. I considered that given
their usual refusal to admit mistakes and their need for scapegoats
to cover up their internal security problems, that the Saudi authorities
would execute at least one of us, but pardoning and releasing
the others as a demonstration of their mercy. Given that I was
not then married nor a parent (and am still not), I decided to
fight back in order that the Saudi authorities would choose me
as the candidate for execution. The result of this decision was
that I withdrew all cooperation and engaged in a series of protests
(refusal to wear clothes, wash or take medication). My reward
was to be contained in solitary confinement throughout my incarceration.
Since our return, all the former prisoners have
suffered from medical and psychology difficulties alongside the
financial and material problems that such a period of incarceration
causes. I am currently unfit to pursue gainful employment concomitant
with my training and experience, and am looking at a future of
continuing economic hardship. Furthermore, my conviction as a
murderer and my absence from the workforce makes it difficult
for me to regain any such position. I need to clear my name of
the stain inflicted upon it by the egregious actions of the Saudi
Arabian government.
I, as well as all the other former detainees,
have all experienced problems of resettlement in the United Kingdom.
Whilst the handling of our immediate release and deportation from
Saudi Arabia by the FCO was well executed, things have not gone
so smoothly since our return. Problems with gaining access to
any form of social assistance and medical treatment have plagued
us collectively. This is due to the problems presented by our
unusual situation and the fact that local government and health
departments have neither experience of nor guidelines for dealing
with our situation. It would appear that refugees granted asylum
are better provided for than British subjects returning from the
horrors to which we were subjected. Notwithstanding the need for
the FCO to address the nature of the barbarity to which we were
subjected, there needed to be some form of liaison between the
FCO and the various other government departments prior to our
release. Given that there are other British subjects in prisons
abroad, many of whom are at risk of torture, have been or are
being tortured; better provisions should be made for their return
to the United Kingdom.
We are all now pursuing redress for the grave
violations and crimes committed against us by the Saudi Arabian
government. To provide you with further information particular
to my case (though much of it will be applicable to the cases
of the others involved), I enclose with this submission the following
documents:
(a) Timeline of the principle events during
my incarceration—outline of major occurrences during my
incarceration, it is not a complete list of all incidents.
(b) National Post articles written in September
2003—a group of articles written by me for a Canadian newspaper,
due to the interest my case had generated in Canada.
(c) Preliminary report of the Parker Institute
of Denmark—initial submission from the Parker Institute
demonstrating proof of torture (I was able to attend this centre
thanks to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office).
The purpose of the above information is to provide
a background for a series of questions that I believe should be
answered by the government. These questions are outlined below.
(a) What activities were undertaken by the
FCO during my incarceration on my behalf as well as on behalf
of the other detainees?
(b) When did the government and the embassy
in Riyadh learn of my arrest?
(c) What steps were taken to gain access
to the prisoners once they had been arrested?
(d) Given that access was denied in all
cases for weeks at a time, what steps did the FCO take to protest
this violation and what steps are now being taken?
(e) Given that no meeting with consular
officials was ever held in private, what steps were and are being
taken by the FCO to remedy this?
(f) Given that the embassy officials named
in my confession (Messrs. Duncan MacDonald and Ian Wilson) were
removed from Saudi Arabia and officially investigated and cleared
of any wrong doing here in the UK, what steps are being taken
by our government to clear our names? To the FCO's credit, Messrs.
Duncan MacDonald and Ian Wilson have been cleared; their subsequent
reassignment and promotion demonstrating that no stain is left
on their record. That cannot be said of the detainees, so it must
be asked what course of redress is the FCO willing to pursue in
our case?
(g) Does the UK government acknowledge that
the others and myself were tortured (refer to attached preliminary
report from the Parker Institute)?
(h) What representations and at what precise
level has the FCO made to the Saudi government about our torture?
What has been the response of the Saudi authorities?
(i) Given the Foreign Secretary's commitment
to combat torture worldwide, could the FCO detail what measures
it is taking with the Saudis in this matter?
(j) Has the FCO asked for the torturers
of the others and myself to be disciplined by the Saudis?
(k) Does the FCO believe that the torture
of the UK detainees was sanctioned at a higher level in the Ministry
of Interior, and if so at what level? Given that Prince Turki
Al Faisal was at the time of our arrest and torture, head of General
Intelligence in the Saudi Arabian Ministry of Interior, is the
FCO aware that he would have had knowledge of and probably sanctioned
or ordered our torture? Furthermore, given the medical proof of
our torture, and Prince Turki's involvement, why is the UK government
continuing to allow this individual to remain as the Saudi Arabian
Ambassador to the Court of St James?
(l) Could I be assured that if the named
torturers visit the EU they will be arrested and tried under UK
anti-torture legislation?
(m) Will details of the torture and maltreatment
of the UK detainees be reported in the FCO's Annual Report on
Human Rights 2004?
(n) Will the FCO (and the relevant government
departments) develop a set of protocols to be followed in order
to assist the resettlement of prisoners returning from abroad?
What actions does the FCO see as necessary to
ensure that said resettlement is as untraumatic as possible, and
that returning prisoners are accorded sufficient assistance to
begin rebuilding their lives?
I believe that I have a right to serious consideration
of the above questions and thus require answers. The current policy
on Saudi Arabia, as outlined in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office's
Human Rights Annual Report 2003, needs serious revision in light
of the treatment meted out by that state to the British subjects
falsely accused, tortured and convicted of crimes that we did
not commit.
Should you have any questions that you wish
answered, please do not hesitate to contact me.
Dr William J Sampson
January 2004
| 
