Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40-59)

2 NOVEMBER 2004

RT HON DAVID BLUNKETT MP, MR DESMOND BROWNE MP AND MR JOHN GIEVE CB

  Q40 Mr Clappison: Can I ask how you assess the current threat to the United Kingdom and if you are prepared to venture any views on Iraq, as to whether or not our continuing involvement in Iraq increases the threat to the public here?

  Mr Blunkett: On the first, the level of threat has remained for some time. We gave a specific promise that were that to change we would ensure that people were aware and that, where there was a very specific threat, we would tell people what that specific, identifiable threat was, as we did when we had the threatened attack on Heathrow. On the issue of the threat from Iraq, we believe—and we have seen this with the kidnaps in Afghanistan, as we have with Iraq itself—that those who are causing the greatest havoc in disrupting the efforts at security and stability in Iraq are very substantially not Iraqis but people from outside the country.

The Committee suspended from 3.52pm to 4.04pm for a division in the House

  Q41 Mr Clappison: You were saying—I think you would have widespread support in this—that problems in Iraq were being caused by people coming in from outside and trying to disrupt the rebuilding of the country. Can I draw you into another aspect of this and see what comment you would like to make? There may be a linkage between what is taking place in Iraq and an increased risk of terrorism in this country. That is a concern which you will bear in mind, is it?

  Mr Blunkett: If the situation in Iraq was to deteriorate and troops were to be pulled out by partner countries and therefore Iraq, as with the Taliban in Afghanistan, became a host country for training and giving succour to those terrorists, Iraq would become the foundation and the base for greater risk. What puts us at risk at the moment is precisely those people who are not located and fixed in a functioning country but often on the fringes of areas, as with the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, where it is very difficult to get to them. It is that loose, franchise network that constitutes al Qaeda that we are taking on worldwide.

  Q42 Mr Clappison: Turning to a departmental question on this, spending on counter-terrorism is due to rise by 40% between 2004 and 2007 but, for very understandable reasons, it is not subject to the same detailed, public scrutiny as other areas of expenditure are. Is there anything you can say about guaranteeing that the taxpayer is getting value for money on that?

  Mr Blunkett: Wherever we can, we do demonstrate where the money has been spent. For instance, the £84 million addition this year that we put into policing we identified £50 million of going into Special Branch activity. Where we have increased the budget of the security service—and we will have increased their capacity by next year by 50%—the ISC, the Intelligence and Security Committee, have oversight of what has happened there. They scrutinise and then produce their report. I think it would be fair to say both transparently, where that is possible, and behind the scene where that is not there is proper scrutiny.

  Q43 Mr Clappison: You adverted a few moments ago to some of the things which have happened in other countries. Can I ask you about EU cooperation against terrorism and what in your view are the most significant aspects of EU cooperation?

  Mr Blunkett: There was the declaration this last March on combating terrorism. We have been discussing as part of the five year work programme for the Justice and Home Affairs Council making this real in terms of the coordinator doing the job of coordination, rather than going off on an independent tack, of ensuring that Europol strengthens its own activity, that the sharing of information within the bounds of ensuring that our own security and intelligence services are not put at risk is undertaken in a way that is positively helpful in tracking people across Europe and across boundaries and of course the way in which we can learn lessons from what has taken place elsewhere. For instance, being able to follow through rigorously on what was learned by the terrible attack in March in Madrid.

  Q44 Mr Clappison: Will you give priority to ensuring that this all translates into practical effect and in particular, on the EU plan of action proposals by the Commission, are you confident they will have practical effects?

  Mr Blunkett: If the coordinator does the job well and there is a clear focus on delivery, as with terrorist financing, for instance, we can do the job together. We cannot rely on other countries protecting us but we can collaborate together to make a joint effort, given that we are at risk across the developed world. That is why joint exercises are so important and we have been working very closely with the French. Next spring we will be working very closely with the United States.

  Q45 Mr Clappison: How confident are you that there are adequate controls on use by US authorities of details of airline passengers passed on to them under the EU/US agreement? It is quite understandable that the United States would want that agreement but how confident are you on the controls?

  Mr Blunkett: I am now. My Christmas and New Year, as for the Transport Secretary, were made a misery by the difficulties that we had in the early stages. I can say these things now because I am not interfering with an election which is currently taking place elsewhere. The truth is that in understandably introducing that, where there were warnings, we had to sort out with the American authorities that the information was requested at an appropriate moment, that when it was requested it could be received in a suitable format, that it was going to be collated and used effectively. We now have that. I have been very grateful to Tom Ridge, as homeland security secretary, who worked very closely with myself and with the Transport Secretary in the United States, with Alistair Darling, to achieve that.

  Q46 Chairman: The European Parliament is still opposed to that treaty, is it not, partly because things like credit card details of passengers may be passed to the US authorities and not be subject to the same data protection as we would have in this country? Are you saying that since the European Parliament decided to oppose this agreement in June there has now been a tightening of agreement on these things?

  Mr Blunkett: The European Parliament were objecting, the individual nation states and ministers are painfully aware of the importance of this. Both the G8 and the presidency next year will want to make sure that we have common standards and that is why the issue of the proper use of biometrics will be very important.

  Q47 Mr Singh: In 2002-03 less than 1% of those stopped and searched under the Terrorism Act were arrested and the vast majority were charged with crimes unrelated to terrorism. Are you confident that the police are not using their powers under the Terrorism Act to go on fishing expeditions?

  Mr Blunkett: We set up a working group deliberately—it has met 15 times since it was established in July—to make sure that we look at the issues around stop and search and the engagement with the community, setting standards and engaging people in believing it is good for them, not some sort of fishing trip or trawl which is just deliberately intended to disrupt the community. Where that engagement with the community has been effective, for instance, in south London, it has also engaged the cooperation of the community itself. It is fair to say that the statistics that come out need to be measured by the number of charges of activity under other Acts, not just the Terrorism Act. Therefore, half the arrests have led to charges under other measures.

  Q48 Mr Singh: The number of Asians stopped and searched under the Terrorism Act last year as against the year before is three times the increase in the number of whites stopped and searched. Given the low number of arrests for terrorism related offences, what have you done to ensure that the police are not antagonising the Asian community, whose help they probably will need to track down terrorists?

  Mr Blunkett: Firstly, to ensure that they are engaged in that review that I have described. Whatever people feel about the issue of providing a note on stop as well as search, it is an absolutely key tool for reassurance within the community but also to provide intelligence based activity on precisely what the stop as well as the search are being used for and what can be learned from it. Secondly, we have issued new guidance on the section 44 powers which became particularly controversial, to ensure that the police are using these in appropriate circumstances. I am prepared to take any other sensible action that does not disrupt the police doing their job but reassures the community that this is about focused and targeted activity. It is inevitable, as it was in north London and in parts of Birmingham, that if you are engaged in following through with those who are using host communities as covered, you will be engaged in counter terrorism stops and searches in stopping more of those people who are from that host community with a particular religious as well as national background. We had that in terms of the Irish community in the 1980s and we have to try to get over that now in terms of the Islamic community in Britain.

  Q49 Mr Singh: We are doing an inquiry next week into the impact of the threat of terrorism on community relations and social cohesion. What is your assessment of that impact?

  Mr Blunkett: I think it is varied enormously across the country. There has been a degree of fear that has been raised inevitably for the reasons you have enunciated which we need to overcome by engaging the communities affected in the solution. We as a government are engaged at the moment across government in looking at how we can improve what we do, both in terms of public services but also liaison in what might be called civil society to get to the roots of this. I have not come across anyone who has a very clever answer. We all have a perspective on the problem. I want to put on record the commendation of the British Council of Muslims, the way in which they have been working themselves and with us in terms of providing that reassurance, the household bulletin that they put out, the work they did in terms of the tragic capture of Ken Bigley and the way in which they worked with us in looking at ways of overcoming some of the problems you have identified.

  Q50 Mr Singh: Finally, you will do everything in your power to ensure that the Muslim community as a whole is not scapegoated because of terrorist threats, from the few?

  Mr Blunkett: Yes, we are absolutely clear about that and have been from the beginning which is why I am coming back to the issue I raised three years ago which was one of protecting people from incitement to religious hatred and to ensure that we provide the protection that we would all expect for ourselves.

The Committee suspended from 4.15pm to 4.25pm for a division in the House

  I did intend to say we have now a community safety forum set by the Association of Chief Police Officers, working with the Muslim community and we are also working alongside culture, media and sport with the Society of Editors on avoiding misleading betrayal or a misuse of words which adds to the problem.

  Q51 David Winnick: Home Secretary, you have dropped the idea, have you not, of issuing a combined passport and ID card? You have made that clear. It was not such a good idea?

  Mr Blunkett: We have accepted the recommendation of the Committee. We are a listening government. We respond to those who have sensible things to say and the draft Bill was precisely to get people engaged with the practical issues. I am very pleased about that. It obviously has meant that we have had to reconfigure the presentation of those elements which require publication of a separate card. It might be helpful if I say a word about that. We will be publishing a regulatory impact statement alongside the publication of the Bill following the Queen's Speech. At that time, we will be able to tell the House more about the actual detail of funding. I thought it would be helpful, given misleading statements that were made last week, to indicate the configuration. The biometrics will be part of the development of the passport system over the next three years. That development of secure passports which is essential now for travel, not least to the United States where otherwise it will cost an individual $100 a time to obtain a visa and six weeks of considerable wait to do so, will enable us to be able to demonstrate the taking and the use of the biometric and the cost of the passport and then the cost of the ID card which will go alongside it. The cost of the ID card element will be the database and the ability, as again recommended by the Committee, of people to be able to monitor the access to that database and to check their own details and question with the Commissioner—that we have also agreed to expand as recommended by you—to be able to determine what is being accessed on that database and by whom. The cost of that therefore will run something like this: £415 million, we estimate, by 2008-09 for the development and delivery of the whole of the cost of the biometric passport and £85 million for the annual cost of running the card system alongside it. That will mean a charge roughly—we will confirm this with the RIA, the impact assessment—around £70 for the biometric passport and £15 for the card combined together. However, we have yet to determine what the cost should be of a separate card where people do not require a passport and whether we should put the two together so that if you had a passport you would get a card automatically, but do you automatically get a passport if you get a card? I want to come back to that when we publish the Bill.

  Q52 David Winnick: Those broadly will be the figures, not finalised but pretty near what you believe you will be able to tell the House later.

  Mr Blunkett: A lot of work has gone into that with our consultancy working alongside us in both reconfiguring the presentation to take account of the separate issue of the card and to take account in the future of concessions. Again, we will obviously have to deal with concessions when we publish the Bill.

  Q53 David Winnick: Presumably, if this idea goes through, if Parliament so approves, pensioners, for instance, will get them free?

  Mr Blunkett: We are committed to reflecting low income and, as you know, we have provided free passports for those born before 2 September 1929 so at the moment the over 75s have a free passport. Other people, including those on low income, do not get a concession at the moment for a passport so any concession we make in relation to the combined scheme will be a bonus for them.

  Q54 David Winnick: Which will add to the overall cost to the Treasury.

  Mr Blunkett: I have included an estimate for concessions in the figures I have just given you.

  Q55 David Winnick: As regards going from the voluntary to the compulsory stage, the Committee as you know said that instead of what you describe as the super affirmative procedure, if there is to be the transition from voluntary to compulsory, primary legislation should be used. What objections would you have to that?

  Mr Blunkett: Simply because we are making a principled decision—and I will not wish to mislead the House when we present the Second Reading—that we believe a mandatory card is necessary and will be the way to be effective. We agree with the Committee on that. The difference between us is whether, having made that principled decision, an affirmative order before the two Houses of Parliament, a debate on that order—I am very happy for us to build in a commitment to an extended debate compared with the usual affirmative order timing—would be the sensible way of determining whether Parliament felt at that moment it was appropriate to move to the mandatory system.

  Q56 David Winnick: There is so much involved in the principle between a voluntary and a compulsory identity card that, for the latter, the compulsory one, it should be necessary to have primary legislation. Have you totally closed your mind to that?

  Mr Blunkett: I do not want to mislead anybody. Yes, I have, on the grounds that the purpose of developing the scheme on a voluntary basis to begin with—ie, at the time when people renew their passport -is to build up a critical core. We reach a point where Parliament can make a judgment as to whether the tests have been met, the ones we set out when we published the draft Bill in terms of the technology, the financing, the acceptability and the likely effectiveness. At that point, Parliament will be able to say yes or no and they will only be saying yes or no to that question: have we reached the threshold and have we passed the test?

  Q57 David Winnick: I suspect there will be quite a lot of controversy over whether or not primary legislation will be used or should be used. Time will tell. The Committee recommended that the national identity scheme commissioner should have oversight of the entire scheme. Can you confirm that the commissioner will have access by law to the security and intelligence services relating to the matter we are discussing?

  Mr Blunkett: We have agreed that the commissioner will have overall oversight. We have accepted that recommendation. The issue of the commissioner's oversight as opposed to the intercept and surveillance commissioner's oversight is one which we need to resolve. My own immediate instincts are that we need to be able to present the work of the intercept and surveillance commissioners in a way that is understandable to people because they do report publicly. They do check on what the security and intelligence services have been authorised to do in a way that is unique across the world. I am very happy to come back to that when we reach the debating stage.

  Q58 David Winnick: Will the commissioner report directly to Parliament?

  Mr Blunkett: The commissioner will publish his report and will of course be accountable. I am sure this Committee would wish to be able to engage with him or her.

  Q59 Janet Anderson: If we could turn to the reliability of biometrics, the BBC carried a report on 21 October that there was a 10% failure rate for facial recognition in your biometric tests. You did not accept that, even though I understand this figure is in line with a report prepared for the Home Office by the National Physical Laboratory. The UK passport service trial was expected to last six months from its delayed start in April. When do you expect to publish the results to enable an informed public debate to take place?

  Mr Blunkett: They were wrong because we are talking about two entirely different things. The survey the BBC referred to was a German survey of the physical technology and its recognition of facial imagery at airports and elsewhere. We have not been testing that in terms of our biometric test. We have had 9,460 people through testing. The challenge is in terms of putting people through those tests, the acceptability of them, the difficulties where there are physical problems for the individual or age or ethnicity problems purely in relation to the iris of the eye. We delayed final publication of the results because they wanted a properly assessable test for disabled people, recruiting 1,000 people with disabilities of different sorts to test that out, not least to refute what has been said in terms of epilepsy and other areas. Why we are doing this is precisely to see what the difficulties and challenges are of adding a third factor in terms of facial recognition, fingerprint and iris recognition in order to provide that security.


 
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