Select Committee on Home Affairs Written Evidence


33.  Memorandum submitted by the Metropolitan Police Service

FIRST STAGE

  1.  The Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) has been asked to comment on the Home Office proposals for a national identity card scheme. We understand that the scheme will be introduced in a two stage process which, in summary, is likely to be as follows:

    (i) Establish a National Identity Register;

    (ii) Proceed towards more secure passports and driving licences based on biometric technology;

    (iii) In parallel to the above, to develop a plain ID card;

    (iv) Introduce mandatory biometric testing for all foreign nationals coming into the UK for more than three months.

  2.  With the exception of (iv) above, Stage One would be voluntary. The database will be developed from scratch to avoid data errors in the system now. New applicants for driving licences and passports will automatically go on the register. Others could volunteer to go on or apply for a plain ID card. The Home Office believe that 80% of the economically active population could be on the register within five years of inception.

SECOND STAGE

  3.  If the conditions were right, this First Stage phased roll out would then be followed by a move to a compulsory card scheme in which it would be compulsory to have a card—though not to carry one—and to produce a card to access public services in ways defined by those services.[63]

THE MPS RESPONSE

  4.  The Metropolitan Police Service supports the creation of a National Identity Card Scheme and is particularly attracted to the concept of a National Identity Register. We have seen no evidence either here, or in previous debates, that suggests the introduction of an identity card will in itself lead to a reduction in crime or an increase in detection rates. However, we do believe that a society built around an individual's true identity and their ability to prove it, will significantly reduce the opportunity for crime in a number of areas.

  5.  We note with interest that "the proposals are designed to protect, not erode, civil liberties" and we fully support that concept. For that reason we believe that it is important that we show our support for the scheme but are not seen to be the lead agency asking for it. We fear that if the police service is seen to be pushing for the introduction of identity cards it will put in many peoples mind a direct link to criminality with which they may not wish to be associated. Rather than being seen as a liberating tool that supports individuals it is likely to be regarded with suspicion and seen as a tool of oppression. The stance that the MPS will adopt is that we will support the identity card scheme in whatever form it develops into, but will seek to maximise opportunities for a more efficient and effective policing service.

  6.  We are particularly concerned of the effects the scheme might have on those disadvantaged members of our communities. Many of these do not own motorcars or travel abroad and are unlikely to apply for a plain ID card given the costs involved. The scheme will undoubtedly attract the law abiding, economically active who will see benefits in membership of such a scheme. There is potential danger here, in the early years of the scheme, of creating an underclass and adding to the policing problems we already face. The scheme could become compulsory prematurely for those disadvantaged members of society, because they would have to have an ID Card in order to access Social Security Benefits, etc. It should also be noted that many of the visible ethnic minorities are over-represented in this socio-economically deprived group. We have severe reservations that the scheme could add to tensions at a time when the police service is investing greatly in gaining confidence across all communities.

  7.  We fully understand and agree with the proposal to introduce the scheme on an incremental basis and to make it voluntary for the first few years. However, we believe that economic forces will quickly dictate that the scheme becomes compulsory even before government apply that sanction. As the economically active see the advantages of belonging to the scheme we believe that many commercial organisations will seek membership of the scheme as a pre-requisite to offering their services. We believe this will be particularly true of those offering financial services where the ability to positively identify someone will greatly reduce their risks of being defrauded. That is, after all, one of the key concepts of the scheme which by its very nature it is likely to bring a degree of compulsion which will only serve to more rapidly disengage the disadvantaged as above.

  8.  We believe there would be advantages in lowering the entry age into the scheme below the proposal of 16 years. Despite better security, there appears to be increasing problems at (secondary) school gates, it may be shrewd to suggest that it is done at that age (11?), and pupils could swipe into and out of their own school thereby reducing the numbers of intruders, incidents of excluded pupils causing disruption, etc. We see the main benefits here geared towards child protection and vulnerable young people although there are likely to be some spin offs in the effective and efficient use of powers against anti social behaviour. We would also wish to explore the potential of such early entry in controlling the sale of alcohol, cigarettes and fireworks to young people.

  9.  We agree that the carrying of an identity card should never be compulsory nor do we seek powers for individuals to produce their card on the spot. We do, however, see great potential in a development of the National Identification Register and the fact that people carry their biometric identity with them. As the debates stands, the most likely form of biometric identity will be either fingerprints or iris recognition. We would seek powers for people to biometrically identify themselves in certain circumstances.

  10.  This power would be particularly useful where officers have evidence that an individual has committed an offence for which they have power to arrest but where they would rather proceed by summons. At the moment the arrest power is granted by Section 25 of PACE. The power to identify someone at the scene would give us greater confidence of serving a summons or an FPN and should drastically reduce the number of arrests and failed summonses. Eventually we would like to see this power included in search powers where the officer has reasonable grounds to search on the street. We would not press for this in the early stages of the scheme, as it is likely to be controversial and could damage its smooth introduction. However, we believe that allied to a more intelligence led stop/search process it would help create a background of fear amongst criminals and reassurance amongst the greater community.

  11.  We see the scheme as being effective in the fight against organised crime and terrorism in that both rely heavily on false identities but also establish much of their supporting infrastructure through legitimate means. The ability to accurately identify people will make their working environment much more hostile and would have a much greater deterrent effect. We believe that many commercial firms will use the register to confirm an individual's identity. We would like to see powers, for police to obtain data from privately held schemes to enable us to track the movement of individuals. Clearly such powers would have to be closely controlled and limited to serious crime.

  12.  To the same end, the Metropolitan Police would seek access to the National Identity Register under certain controlled circumstances.

February 2004







63   -Identity card the Next Steps, Home Office SM6020. Back


 
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