Select Committee on Home Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 360 - 379)

TUESDAY 20 MAY 2003

MS JAN SHAW, MR MICHAEL KINGSLEY-NYINAH, MR TOM BENTLEY AND MR THEO KEENCAMP

  Q360  Chairman: Can you explain it in terms of an asylum seeker turning up here?

  Mr Bentley: For example, it means that an asylum seeker, or somebody who has come through a transit centre, under our system, would be a very specific kind of case and might well be allowed the opportunity to work, but not for guaranteed access to health care benefits, for example.

  Q361  Chairman: Okay.

  Mr Bentley: Also, it means that the provision of welfare to native citizens would be based on new forms of contribution and repayment as they progress through life. Closer, for example, to the student loan principle than to the automatic qualification for particular kinds of subsidy.

  Q362  Chairman: It seems they are not content with reforming our asylum system, they want to reform our social welfare system as well?

  Mr Bentley: Unfortunately, that is Demos's outlook. We are not proposing that this is going to happen over the next five years, we are proposing this is going to happen over the next generation or two.

  Q363  Chairman: Right.

  Mr Keencamp: Maybe I could just explain in a few sentences.

  Q364  Chairman: Please do, Mr Keencamp.

  Mr Keencamp: Also, it is very much to do about the signals which you send out. In the transit centres which we are thinking about, the signal is if you come here nothing is free except for a very small introductory package. If you are here, then you are being taken care of if you pay for it because you have money, or you pay in kind. Then suppose that after you have been there for some time and that it is a good thing to continue to some European country because there is a perspective for you, again—I am thinking now in 15 years' time—you come into a Europe where you recognise the same principle. The Government—the public sector—and the things it is handing out to you for free is not there, but it is facilitating you and loaning you things. So it is a facilitator centre and a facilitator state. This is a huge statement and there are a lot of problems. Anyway, we have been thinking about what will be the best way to create new signals both to the migrants coming to Europe and to its citizens, in order to decrease some of the unjustified inequalities and to create more conditions for an open and accessible system.

  Q365  Chairman: Thank you. Can we go back a bit because, as you say, you have been talking about a much longer-term ambition?

  Mr Keencamp: Yes.

  Chairman: Can we just switch back for a moment to the possible changes to the Treaty's obligations that might be required for some of the more immediate changes? Mr Watson?

  Q366  Mr Watson: If I could address you all with this and, whoever wants to, answers it. We have had evidence that the 1951 Geneva Convention should be changed. Do you think there is a case for reviewing that and, if you do, what changes would you recommend?

  Mr Keencamp: I think you are starting at the wrong end, on the basis of what I just said.

  Q367  Mr Watson: Yes. Can someone else answer the question?

  Mr Kingsley-Nyinah: I have not been privy to the evidence you have heard. However, I would be very surprised if anyone was able to establish a connection between the difficulties that are exercising the mind of this Committee, on the one hand, and any flaws in the 1951 Convention. That Convention, as you know, was promulgated in 1951. We are very aware and recognise that radical reforms are required to the protection system on which it is based, if that protection system is to retain its vitality in the world that is qualitatively different from the one in which the 1951 Convention was conceived. We recognise that, but we do not accept that the changes need to be to the Convention itself. It is this thinking that has led our High Commissioner, Mr Lubbers, to propose that what is needed is a set of agreements that respond to particular challenges, but which add on to the obligations within the 1951 Convention. So that rather than taking away the Convention you would add to it, hence the label for this initiative, which is "Convention Plus". I have tried to outline the three dimensions, the three prongs of UNHCR's views. You can see that, for example, the aspect of UNHCR's proposals that have to do with setting up processing centres within Europe are very fertile for new agreements between European States and the asylum seekers' home countries. Now, that sort of arrangement can come in the "Convention Plus" initiative. Likewise, what I have suggested is that there is a lot of work to be done in the regions to address the reasons why people leave after they have found protection and then come to the Western World. Again, there are a number of changes that can be implemented under the "Convention Plus" initiative. Now, we are under no illusions that these kinds of processes do take some time, but we are also quite clear that what is needed is not a quick fix. We need to deal with the underlying international infrastructure, and that requires new agreements that build on the foundation of the Convention rather than take away from it.

  Q368  Mr Watson: Okay. Can I just press you on a particular aspect of asylum seeking? We have taken evidence from people who have said that the vast majority of asylum seekers who get to Britain get here with the aid of human traffickers. Is that your view and, if it is, notwithstanding the big picture solution, can you offer any practical solution as to how we might challenge the human traffickers?

  Mr Keencamp: All I know of is that there is a stepped-up effort by Europol, in combination with all the local police services, to get a lot more information to be much tougher on traffickers. Stepped-up efforts make them feel the heat; that is the short-term solution.

  Q369  Mr Watson: Would you concur with me that the majority of asylum seekers get in using human traffickers, or do you not think there is any evidence to prove that?

  Mr Keencamp: There is a recent report in the Netherlands which says that it must be more than half, but nobody knows exactly how much. Certainly, it is a substantial part, yes.

  Mr Bentley: Very briefly, I think the Europol estimate is that people-trafficking is the fastest growing area or sector of organised crime internationally, which should also tell us something. I would make two points about how to combat it effectively in the short term. The first is the international criminal economy—the fact that it operates through trans-national networks, networks that span national boundaries—is a major and half-hidden issue. Of course, it has become more visible because of our increased consciousness of terrorism and most forms of violence, but I am sure that there is quite a lot further to go in the production of co-ordinated international policing and the linkage of issues like people-trafficking with other aspects of the international criminal economy. So better policing under these new conditions is an area that should be vigorously explored. The second thing is what we referred to earlier in the general discussion, that one of the reasons we do not know is that there are so many incentives on the people being trafficked not to reveal themselves. The practical question in the short term is—before you get to the kind of architectural changes that we have been talking about—are there ways of reducing the fear of making yourself visible and providing new incentives for people to provide accurate information about who they are and where they have come from.

  Q370  Mr Watson: I have just one supplementary on that. We also took evidence that someone said that it is cheaper to get a forged identity document in France than the real identity document. Do you think that some kind of ID system might reduce human trafficking European-wide?

  Mr Bentley: Yes. There is a simple answer, but then there are a range of consequences of that decision depending on how it is handled.

  Q371  Mr Clappison: Can I ask Mr Kingsley-Nyinah if he has got any views as to how the appeal system can be improved in this country?

  Mr Kingsley-Nyinah: I am not the best person to ask because we are not experts on the national asylum system. I would just use the opportunity to make a small footnote, if you like, to my suggestions about how the national asylum system can be improved and made more efficient. It is a comment, if you like, from afar, if you would accept that.

  Q372  Mr Clappison: Yes.

  Mr Kingsley-Nyinah: Refugee status was never meant to go to the person with the best lawyer. What I mean to say is that the adversarial framework within which the law operates in this country—which, of course, informs the process of determining asylum claims, especially on appeals—does not always serve the ends of those who need protection most. Again, there is a lot to be said on my theme of reforms. There is a lot to be said for introducing reforms that simplify the procedure and which reduce the adversarial content of processing claims because when you come to think of it, from a lawyer's point of view, in determining asylum claims you do not have an adverse interest, you have a need for protection which has to be recognised. Now, that would lead me on to the role that legal representatives perform in the system. Again, I believe there is room to look at that as well because it is not a question of defending your client—as one would do in a criminal proceeding, defending your client at all costs—it is a question of preserving the principle of asylum and allowing the truth to come out so that the correct decision can be made. I believe in this regard there is a lot the UK system could adopt from the inquisitorial administrative kind of legal proceedings that exist on the continent.

  Q373  Mr Clappison: Yes, that is interesting. Have any other witnesses got anything to add to that, or any comments they wish to make generally about appeals?

  Mr Keencamp: Maybe soon in the Netherlands there will be a first evaluation forthcoming about the experiences which we have of the new appeal procedure and, of course, that could be submitted to the Committee.

  Chairman: Thank you.

  Q374  Mr Clappison: Mr Keencamp, can you keep us up-to-date on that? You mentioned some of the changes the Government has made recently in the 2002 Act, and I think you are adverting to the issue of non-suspensive appeals. When the Committee considered non-suspensive appeals, they concluded that in most, if not all of the countries so far designated, it is reasonable for there to be a presumption against a well-founded fear of persecution. Do you have any grounds for disagreeing with that statement?

  Ms Shaw: I do not think that every country is safe for every person. I think there are minorities within some of the countries that are now on that list where there is obvious evidence of persecution.

  Q375  Mr Clappison: Could you give us a quick example of them?

  Ms Shaw: I mentioned before that I happened to be looking at statistics in preparation for coming here today and looked at, for example, decisions on applications from the Czech Republic for last year, and certainly there were individuals who were given refugee status, and there were quite a number of individuals who were given exceptional leave to remain. Now, it does not break down into minorities, who those people were, but it is probably pretty safe to say that they were Roma, and a significant number of people also won their appeal. I looked at various of the countries that are on that white list and the same applies to other countries as well. I just think that it removes a very essential safeguard.

  Q376  Mr Clappison: You are saying that because some people have not been successful in their asylum applications in those countries that would indicate they cannot be guaranteed them, is that so?

  Ms Shaw: Exactly.

  Q377  Mr Clappison: Yes. Can I just take your point on the Roma. It is a slightly different point, but I did get to visit Slovakia two months ago. There are undoubtedly matters which need to be addressed as far as they are concerned, and to do so is the heart of this, but you would have to take, would you not, a fairly wide definition of persecution to see that as being persecuted?

  Ms Shaw: I am not saying that every single Roma in Slovakia or the Czech Republic is persecuted, but I do think that is why each application has to be looked at on its merits, and that a very meaningful safeguard has now been removed from those 17 nationalities that are now on the white list and the list will probably expand.

  Mr Clappison: Can I move on to ask about the system of detention and ask if any of the witnesses have any observations as to how well the current system of detention is working as it is currently appraised?

  Q378  Chairman: I am not sure that any of our witnesses have direct experience on it here, do they?

  Ms Shaw: I have got an overview.

  Q379  Mr Clappison: Would you please share it with us?

  Ms Shaw: At the end of last year there were just under 800 asylum seekers in detention and, as I am sure you are aware, the detention of asylum seekers should be avoided and should only occur in exceptional circumstances. One of the problems that we have at Amnesty with asylum seekers who have been detained in this country is that although you get a breakdown of how many people are detained on any one day, where they are detained, what their gender is and the length of detention, what you do not know by looking at those figures is at what stage of the asylum process they are being detained. The last known research that was done on this several years ago was that more than 50% of the people who were being held in detention at any given time, were held from the minute they said: "I want to apply for asylum." In other words, before the merits of their case were tested, leading us to believe that this was quite an arbitrary kind of decision as to who was being detained and who was not. One of the only positive aspects that came out of the last major piece of legislation in 1999 was to introduce automatic bail hearings for those people who are detained. This was not exactly the sort of judicial oversight that we were recommending, but it went some way to meet some of the concerns. Unfortunately, that was never implemented and was actually repealed under the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, which means that there is no effective judicial oversight of those people who are being detained. We have asked many times for the Home Office to give a breakdown of exactly which stage people are being detained at, so that we can have an idea of whether it is just prior to removal, or whether it is for the duration of their asylum application.


 
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