Memorandum submitted by Mr Terence Mendoza
A. BACKGROUND:
I am a UK citizen, resident of the Southend
area. I have always been concerned about the possible abuse of
EU revenues by special interest groups. During the summer of 2002,
suspicion emerged that EU funds to numerous Palestinian projects
were not being distributed in an open and transparent manner.
This was to the detriment of both Europeans and the intended recipients.
I began to examine the level and manner of funding given to aid
the Palestinian people by the EU.
My research leads me to three basic conclusions:—
— It is impossible to state with reasonable
certainty whether this public money, as well as donations from
other international operations, has reached its intended destinations.
— Any further outlays need to be channeled
in new and constructive manner in order to benefit the average
Palestinian, while serving the peace process and causing a reduction
of hatred.
I am submitting this evidence with particular
regard to Sections 1 and 6 of the inquiry, which seek to examine
the effectiveness of EU aid and with specific reference to NGOs.
It is not my intention to determine if or what
level of support is to be maintained by HM Government for Palestinian
projects. My aim is to illustrate that any future investment should
consider the problems encountered by European officials. They
are increasingly unable to demonstrate credible evidence that
their vast donations have reached the proposed destinations, especially
in light of the mounting evidence that they have not.
B. LEVEL OF
EUROPEAN SUPPORT
AND ITS
DIRECTION:
Since the 1993 signing of the Oslo Accords,
the European Union has approved the passage of around
4 billion to the Palestinians either directly to
the Palestinian Authority (PA) or through agencies like UNRWA[72]The
pace of aid has increased since the launch of the Intifada in
September 2000, as the Palestinian leadership has argued that
restrictions imposed by Israel have led to a lowering in income
levels and the standard of living.
Over the years, the European Commission has
argued earnestly and strenuously that the investments have been
monitored according to the highest standards and have reached
their respective targets. For example:—
(i) President Prodi stated on 19 November
2001 that: "The EU gives money to prevent the collapse
of the PA. The use of our funds is closely monitored by the IMF.
The money is used for health, schools and basic elements of administration.
We have spent no money on the military side.[73]
(ii) Six months later, the EC issued a statement
on 6 May 2002. It noted that: "EC support to the PA takes
various forms (support to UNRWA, humanitarian assistance, development
projects, budgetary assistance), each with its own monitoring
mechanisms. All budgetary assistance is strictly vetted. The payments
(
10m per month) are only transferred after the
IMF has verified that the money has been properly spent according
to the agreed purpose.[74]
(iii) On 22nd June 2002, Chris Patten, EC
High Commissioner for External Relations, declared before the
Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament that: "After
scrupulous examination of all the allegations that have been made,
I can report to you today that there is no evidence for EU funds
used for other purposes than those agreed. There is no reason
to state that EU money has financed terrorism or bought weapons.
[75]
(iv) Mr. Alan Seatter's evidence to this
committee on 16 September 2003 also places an emphasis on monitoring
the path of donations, especially through IMF assistance. [76]
C. AN INDEPENDENT
INQUIRY INTO
THE USE
OF DONOR'S
MONEY
In January 2003, The Prism Group[77]
an independent research group, produced a report on the misuse
of EU funding, which was distributed to all MEPs. The report did
not rely on evidence supplied from Israeli sources, but focused
on material supplied by Palestinians and Human Rights Watch (HRW).
HRW is a highly acclaimed human rights organisation with a strong
record of sympathies for the plight of the Palestinian people.
The conclusions of The Prism Group report are
simple and demand repeating here.
(1) "The objective actions of the
PA, including its tacit if not overt support of terror activities
and the direct involvement of its Fatah and Tanzim branches, combined
with the admitted absence of financial controls on the PA's use
of funds, give rise to genuine suspicions—if not clear inferences—that
the PA's funds were used to support the terror activities.
"
(2) "HRW is unequivocal in its findings
that the PA improperly financed terror activities. "
(3) HRW finds that: "Individual members
of the al-Aqsa Brigades have even been among the beneficiaries
of payments approved by Arafat personally at a time when he knew
or should have known that such individuals were alleged to have
been involved in planning or carrying out attacks on civilians.
. .. Unlike Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the al-Aqsa Martyrs"
Brigades are linked to the ruling faction in the Palestinian Authority,
rather than the political rivals of the PA and Fatah. "
D. OTHER SOURCES
CONFIRMING THE
MISUSE OF
FUNDS
There are five independent channels, which confirm
the conclusions of the Prism report. Together, they indicate that
all of the statements from senior Europeans are not plausible
to an acceptable level, especially for the taxpayer who is funding
this activity.
(i) The IMF itself has consistently denied
that it monitors donations to the PA. For example, Thomas C. Dawson,
Director of the External Relations Dept of the IMF, in a letter
to the Editor of the Wall Street Journal on 17 June 2002, wrote:
"the IMF does not monitor foreign assistance to the PA.
It simply provides the EU with info about broad developments related
to its budget. It does not monitor or control every item in the
budget. This obviously is an auditing function that goes far beyond
the fund's present mandate."
Just as significantly, George T. Abed, a Palestinian
and Jordanian national, as well as the Director of the IMF's Middle
Eastern Department, wrote "the IMF does not and cannot
control downstream spending by the various Palestinian agencies.
This matter remains between the Palestinian Authority and the
donors"[78]
(online edition of the IMF's official publication "IMF Survey",
Vol. 31, Number 16, datelined September 2, 2002)
In layman's language, the essential element
of the EC's monitoring mechanism does not exist. Further, while
individuals have written letters and articles highlighting this
anomaly, the EC has failed to address the issue head on. Therefore,
Europeans cannot be assured of to where and to whom their money
is directed.
This raises the leading question as to what
safe control mechanism does this Parliamentary inquiry intend
to install.
(ii) Individual Palestinian leaders have
bravely drawn attention to this very problem. Mr. Mahmud Abbas
(Abu Mazen), in his resignation speech as Palestinian Prime Minister
on 6 September 2003, gave credence to the assumption that money
is going astray. He cited how revenue was being diverted from
monopolies up to July 2003 and how salaries, supposedly paid for
by the EU, were subject to a levy. [79]Rare
support for Mr Abbas has come from Mr. Salam Fayyad, the
Palestinian Finance Minister and former World Bank official. He
has linked Chairman Arafat to some of the kickbacks and he admits
that there is more financial corruption yet to be revealed. [80]
(iii) Responsible investigative reporting
on financial mismanagement has revealed huge amounts of revenue
being diverted from the Palestinian Ministry of Finance. The list
is long, but I provide here five varied examples from the previous
month alone. When linked together, they confirm a pattern of deceit
crossing international borders.
(1) CBS[81]has
detailed misappropriation and diversion of sums on a scandalous
scale. Chairman Arafat is documented as having acquired a vast
personal fortune through monies taken from the public Palestinian
purse.
(2) The Scottish Herald[82]has
a matching report.
(3) Channel 4[83]has
detailed how the families of suicide bombers are given relatively
large sums as a "reward" for the work executed and the
destruction created.
(4) The Jerusalem Post[84]
citing official documentation from the Palestinian Ministry of
Finance, has revealed how Chairman Arafat still receives "as
much as 10% of the official PA budget" for mainly unstipulated
purposes.
(5) And, all these follow on from the IMF report
in September 2003, which clearly delineates that approximately
$900 million of Palestinian revenues were "diverted"
into private accounts. [85]That
same report goes on to detail additional control weaknesses over
the entire Palestinian budgetary system, presided over by the
same people who "diverted" these $900 million.
When one considers that much of the PA budget
comes from international donors, many of whom demand that their
contributions are tied in to specific projects, this lack of accountability
raises serious issues of credibility for any taxpayer.
(iv) The role of Chairman Arafat continues
to give cause for concern to many. It has been clearly documented
by the former chief of Romanian intelligence, Ion Pacepa, that
the Palestinian leader has developed his political power since
the late 1960s through illicit bank accounts. [86]Furthermore,
his political maneuverings since the presentation of the Roadmap
in April 2003 have been designed to allow him to maintain control
of the PA budget . (Abbas even complained to his parliament, and
Fayyed admitted on CBS that moves to reform are met with opposition.)
Particularly relevant is Chairman Arafat's personal
involvement in the financing of the war of terror against Israel.
Like Bush or Blair or Chirac, he does not sign the cheques. But,
it is documented that he has authorised payments for terrorism.
The money comes from the Ministry of Finance, which means that
it has, at least in part, come from external donations. (See Appendix
A for a sample of cases, showing documents with his actual handwriting
authorising payments). When reviewing these documents, it must
be remembered that this information is readily available in the
public domain. I would find it incredible if any European official
were to claim that it has not been presented to the Commission
in the past. In any event, it is offered here as clear evidence
to how donations from foreign governments are consistently misused
on a wide and repetitive scale.
Again, it must be stated that Chairman Arafat
delivered these payments either from his personal fortune, which
originated from funds donated to the PA, or directly from the
coffers of the PA. The PA's treasury is heavily dependent on donations
from foreign governments or organizations like the EU.
(v) The Palestinian elite, in particular
persons who are consistently members of Chairman Arafat's cabinet
and who help to solicit aid from abroad, have also been implicated
in the diversions of public funds. (Appendix A delineates their
involvement in the process of assigning money for terror.) I will
cite here only four examples of their civil misplay.
a. The PA Deputy Minister of Health, Munzar
Al-Sharif, transferred a medical laboratory donated by the German
government to the PA to a private hospital. A leaflet was later
distributed in Nablus, Gaza and Ramallah, which warned Al-Sharif
that if he did not return $7.5 million he had stolen from the
PA, his life would be in danger.
b. Rabah Ayid, director of the Jabaliyah
charity association, which is affiliated to the PA Ministry of
Religion, is accused by local residents of stealing Saudi aid
that arrived during the month of Ramadan in 2002.
c. Nabil 'Amru is a Legislative Council Member
and former Minister of Information. His villa in Ramallah is estimated
to have cost $2 million.
d. A huge fraud scheme was uncovered in the
Ministry of Health, involving the former director general of the
Ministry, Imad Tarawiyah. It was learned that the Ministry had
been given a donation of advanced CT medical screening equipment
worth $2 million. Tarawiyah chose not to use the advanced equipment
and placed it in storage for two years. He eventually bought the
equipment as scrap for $50,000.
And many more examples can be supplied here.
E. ACCUSATIONS
OF SELECTIVE
CRITICISM
In light of the facts presented above and in
Appendix A, the EC has been forced to respond to a continuing
series of criticisms as to the way it handles ratified policy
of the Brussels Parliament . These responses have been listed
and analysed in Appendix B.
What is important for a taxpayer and any new
potential donor is to consider whether it is possible for the
EC to defend its methods coherently, given the evidence presented
above. After all, Mr. Patten himself has acknowledged on more
than one occasion that it is impossible to be absolutely certain
that none of the money was misused. [87]
Similarly, in a letter to Mr. Laschet on 5 February
2003[88]
Mr. Patten wrote that:
"Given the fungible nature of general EU budgetary
support it is not possible to link any salary payment directly
to the EU funds." As a taxpayer, I must insist that this
low level of control cannot be tolerated, especially given the
known involvement of Palestinian personnel in the confrontation
with Israel.
What is even more disturbing is that this mask
is maintained in a forthright and demonstrative manner by the
EC, an organization, which has:—
— had unsatisfactory audits for 9 years.
— closed off 2002 financially as not
a bad year, because "only" 90% of the budget is problematic.
— had the accounts of its Commission
categorized as "inadequate".[89]
This Parliamentary inquiry has listened to the
views of Mr. Alan Seatter on the EC's budgetary controls vis-a"-vis
distributions to the Palestinians. In order to heed Mr. Seatter,
the inquiry must provide extraordinary reasoning given that he
is employed by an organisation that is historically lax in its
exercise of budgetary supervision. In the meantime, it is logical
to argue that while the EC has executed EU aid policy towards
the Palestinians most substantially, it has not passed the test
of transparent budgetary controls. This has been to the detriment
of most Palestinians and serves to provide a large illuminated
warning light to any new donor.
F. CAN ISRAEL
DO MORE
TO AID
THE PALESTINIANS?
This question can be answered on three levels:
financial, humanitarian aid and logistical.
(i) Financial:
Under the Oslo Accords, Israel is obligated
to transfer to the PA customs and duties collected on its behalf.
This is a legal requirement as opposed to a donation. The money
is specifically allocated for paying the salaries of Palestinians
in the public sector.
Following revelations[90]that
the money was being utilised for purposes of terror, the Israeli
government reportedly froze the arrangement until new procedures
were established. What is unique about the new system is that
Israeli payments are now supervised by a team of American accountants,
appointed by "Standard and Poor".
Through S&P, the Israelis can categorically
state that they have maintained the support of teachers or doctors
or other necessary services. The money does not go to buying weapons
of the Tanzim or maintaining the private wealth of the elite.
The Europeans and other donors have no trail of what happens to
their money, once it has been transferred to the Palestinians.
Israel was reported to have transferred back
payments of around 1.15 billion shekels between January and August
2003. [91](4.5
shekels: $1). In total, Israel was supposed to hand over 2 billion
shekels to the Palestinians, but various Israeli courts ruled
that the balance was to be withheld, pending the resolution of
large debts owed by the PA to several Israeli bodies and companies,
including Israel Electric Corporation and state-run hospitals.
Several Israeli families are also suing the PA over their suffering
and losses resulting from terror by paramilitary factions sponsored
by Chairman Arafat.
There are also reports of Parliamentarians who
have asked if Israeli military action has damaged structures erected
with EU assistance. My inquiry to the Israeli Ministry for Foreign
Affairs (MFA) revealed that the EC has presented a list of 23
such projects to the Israeli authorities. The total value of the
damage is estimated at
34.8 million, of which the EU's share is
19.5 million. It has been asked why the Israeli government
does not recompense the EU.
I find the MFA answer very informative, as well
as instructive in how not to distribute aid. The Israeli government
has noted that once the money was handed over (usually in an nonprescribed
manner, as noted above), the money no longer belongs to the EU.
However, the MFA also noted in advance that most of the establishments
had been used for military and other hostile purposes against
Israel, thus making them a legitimate target for retaliation under
international law. Israel exercised its right and obligation to
defend itself.
Of equal importance, but rarely asked, is why
the PA is unable to compensate the families of those EU citizens
killed or maimed in terror attacks committed by Palestinians.
Three notable examples are Michal Raziel, Yoni Jesner and Steven
Bloomberg. At least in the case of Bloomberg, there is strong
evidence to suggest that members of Chairman Arafat's security
services, whose salaries are covered via the Ministry of Finance,
carried out the attack. (See the comments of President Prodi in
section B)
(ii) Humanitarian Aid:
Given the irrefutable fact that large segments
of the Palestinian populace have initiated and maintained a violent
struggle against Israel since September 2000, it is illogical
to expect Israel to launch a campaign of humanitarian aid on behalf
of its neighbours. One assumes that politicians in Jerusalem are
also acutely aware that "more efficient management"
of revenues by the Palestinian Ministry of Finance would lead
to a larger and more equitable distribution of wealth.
For example, the revenues handed over by Israel
(see above) in 2003 are worth about $0.5 per person per day. When
charities like Oxfam and Christian Aid are claiming that many
people live off just $2 per day, this is a mammoth injection of
money, assuming that it reaches the right people.
What cannot be denied is that Israel continues
to seek ways of bridging the gap of hatred to the benefit of all.
For example:—
— Israeli hospitals continue to accept
residents of the Palestinian territories.
— The Malki Fund[92]a
private initiative, which was set up in the name of 15-year old
Malki Roth who was killed in a suicide bomb blast, accepts applications
from all people throughout the country, regardless of religion.
— The Israeli Ministry of Education
is promoting inter-ethnic programmes. One success story has been
co-sponsored by the British Council. Called "Dreams and Teams",[93]
it is designed to promote "youth leadership and community
involvement through sport".
(iii) Logistical Considerations:
Both testimony submitted to this inquiry and
frequent commentaries in the media claim that if the Israelis
relaxed their system of checkpoints and stopped building their
anti-terrorist barrier, then the economic situation of the Palestinians
would improve swiftly and significantly. These suggestions are
often combined with an appeal to allow more Palestinians to work
within the Israeli economy.
As a supporter of free movement for all, I believe
that these statements can be very persuasive. Certainly, annual
GDP growth for the Palestinian territories point to an average
rise of nearly 10% leading up to the start of the Intifada. [94]
However, the true hypocrisy of these demands
is exposed when it is noted that Israelis are not allowed to travel
in Palestinian areas for fear of their lives. Certainly, Israeli
goods now have to be transported via by-pass roads in these places.
There have been numerous incidents of Israeli employers being
attacked, even killed, by Palestinian workers, thus reducing future
employment opportunities. Not only is this Palestinian practice
a form of Apartheid, but it also ensures that the Palestinians
deprive themselves of imported economic activity.
This argument can be developed further. By launching
the Intifada in September 2000 and immediately abrogating the
Oslo Accords by releasing imprisoned terrorists, the Palestinian
leadership effectively declared war on Israel. Over the past several
thousand years of history there have few examples of a country
being attacked and then opening up its economy to its enemy prior
to settlement of the dispute. That would be preposterous. At the
same time, Israel has repeatedly demonstrated that if the terror
were to cease, the limitations would be rescinded. That is exactly
what happened at the implementation of the Roadmap, until the
attacks returned.
To put this point another way, Israel has a
clearly defined right in international law to defend itself[95]International
law does not protect a nation that allows its territory to be
used as a launching pad for attacks on another nation. The attacked
nation has every right of reprisal and the cry we hear about violations
of sovereignty show either ill will or ignorance. The PA has allowed,
if not encouraged, its territory to be used for the purposes of
launching attacks against Israel and Israeli civilians. Israel
is well within its legal rights to pursue the attackers, even
at risk of life and property.
If there was no terror, there would be freedom
of movement for people and goods, and on both sides of the checkpoints
and the security fence.
G. CAN ALTERNATIVES
BE FOUND
TO THE
PA?
If the current leadership of the PA renders
itself unsuitable for receiving funds from foreign donors, what
are the alternatives? This section features NGOs and UNRWA.
NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) can be
broken down into three separate categories.[96]:—
(1) International bodies such as Amnesty
and Human Rights Watch, whose operations are truly global and
very influential.
(2) Region-specific NGOs such as Miftah,
Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), Physicians for Human
Rights—Israel (PHR-I), and LAW. These regional "humanitarian"
NGOs restrict their activities to the Arab-Israeli conflict and,
in most cases, to criticism of Israel.
(3) NGOs that collect funds for a variety
of projects and areas, and provide financial and technical support
to smaller regional NGOs. Examples include the Ford Foundation
and Christian Aid.
I wish to concentrate on the second and third
categories.
Certain NGOs, such as Médecins Sans Frontie"rs,
undoubtedly carry out phenomenal work. However, the aura of their
good name is often stolen by many other NGOs, whose agenda appears
to be the delegitimisation of Israel and its existence. This problem
was spectacularly highlighted at the 2001 Durban Conference. Israel
was treated like a pariah state, which contained many of the evils
of the world, while and that or that its neighbours systematically
ignore the rights of women, children and other religions.
It is not my purpose to wade through all the
NGOs associated with the region, whether based inside or outside
the Middle East. By choosing a few specific cases, I intend to
make a very central point. Most NGOs are biased and have a very
set political agenda. In several cases, this agenda has been taken
one step further to the support and justification of violence.
(1) The Palestinian Society for the Protection
of Human Rights and the Environment (LAW) is one of the more venerable
Palestinian NGOs, receiving support from various individual countries,
the EU and from elsewhere. An interim report by the auditors "Ernst
& Young" found that about $4 million of donors"
funds had been embezelled from September 1997 to August 2002.
(2) The Ford Foundation has actively encouraged
groups like LAW and the Palestinian NGO (PNGO) network in general.
Unconfirmed reports mention that PNGO receives at least $350,000
per annum from Ford. Many of these are Islamic rights groups,
including $100,000 for the Mizan Center.
(3) The Mezan Center (www.mezan.org) officially
supports "community based advocacy work on economic, social
and cultural rights in Gaza". It's website features prominently
Rachel Corrie, an ISM activist, who was tragically and accidentally
killed by an Israeli army bulldozer. The story is still subject
to debate. What is not in dispute is that Rachel Corrie's activities
were politically motivated and supported by the Mezan Center.
This is typical of many local NGOs, which cover their real activism
through carefully worded social appeals.
As a small positive postscript, literally as
this submission was being prepared, it was reported that the Ford
Foundation has acknowledged problems with the way it funds PNGOs.
[97]It
has agreed to halt funding to groups that espouse anti-Semitism,
promote violence and deny Israel's legitimacy.
This is a very encouraging development from
which the current inquiry can learn. If you are to channel money
through NGOs, they must guarantee to use the money for stated
objectives, which cannot be political or military, and they show
proof of delivery. Up to now, few organistions can meet these
requirements.
It must be stressed that in May 2003, the American
government called on Palestinian NGOs to sign a declaration that
they will not use USAID grant money for terrorist purposes. This
was universally declined in a response posted in the "Al
Ayyam" newspaper in August. Those rejecting the request included
"The Red Crescent", an affiliate of the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and the above mentioned Mezan
Center For Human Rights.
This is particularly stressing news for groups
like Oxfam, which cites the Red Crescent as a local partner. Christian
Aid rarely maintains a local office abroad, but invests its energies
and resources through local NGOs. In the year 2000, it is reported
to have invested approximately $1.5million in 31 partner organizations
in the region.
UNRWA was mandated in 1949 and its current budget
breaches $400 million. Employing around 24,000 locals, the organisation
has major responsibilities in the fields of education where it
operates hundreds of schools, health care services and the provision
of humanitarian aid.
UNRWA is not without its critics, especially
over the role of its Commissioner General, Mr. Peter Hansen, whose
inaccurate comments on the situation in Jenin and other places
have caused confusion around the world. It is even recognized
by UNRWA itself, that the statistics, which it maintains of population
levels within its jurisdiction, are inaccurate.
The pertinent issues here go further than personalities.
They are:—
(1) UNRWA aid is frequently seen as an opportunity
for corrupt practices, even by those it is meant to help.
(2) UNRWA facilities are exploited for political
and military purposes.
(3) UNRWA is supporting a system of teaching,
which has strong racial overtones in parts and does not meet standards
initiated by UNESCO.
1. UNRWA aid is not distributed properly.
There is documented proof, which shows that
between 1996 and 2002, if not longer, UNRWA aid did not always
reach its target population. [98]
— Food supplies found their way into
Israeli shops, both the Jewish and Arab sectors.
— Medical supplies were discovered
in private pharmacies.
— According to the Israeli Army, many
supplies are "lifted" as they come through the Rafah
crossing. The person accused of being behind this racket is the
former PA Supplies Minister, Abu Ali Shahin, a senior Fatah official
in the Gaza Strip. He is close to Arafat and is nicknamed the
"minister of thieves".
The system is so widespread and involves so
many people of the senior Palestinian leadership that one must
suspect that the situation is not under control even today. To
give further weight to this problem of corruption, it is known
that the Karni Terminal in Gaza is also the source of major pilfering[99]The
committee at Westminster must be made aware of these facts, when
considering increasing aid in these areas.
2. UNRWA buildings are used for political
and military activities, acts often supported by organisation
employees.
It has been established that UNRWA facilities
have been consistently used for illegal, if not violent, purposes.
For example, Nahd Rashid Ahmad Atallah, a senior official of the
UNRWA agency in the Gaza Strip, who was in charge of distributing
the financial aid to the refugees, was arrested in August 2002.
He admitted in his capacity as UNRWA official that from 1990 through
to 1993, he had granted support to families of wanted terrorists,
on behalf of Fatah and the "Popular Front". He also
revealed that during June and July 2002, he had used his car,
an UNRWA car, for the transportation of armed members of the "Popular
Resistance Committees" who were on their way to carry out
a sniper attack against Israeli troops posted at the Karni border
crossing point in Gaza, and a missile attack against Jewish settlements
in the Northern section of the Gaza Strip. In addition to these,
Nahd had used an UNRWA car to transport a 12 kg explosive charge
for his brother-in-law, a militant member of the "Popular
Resistance Committees".[100]
And there are many more such examples. Even
if we recall the tragic shooting by the Israeli army in Jenin,
in November 2002, of Iain Hook, a 53 year old a British employee
of UNRWA, the conclusion is the same. Versions of the sad event
differ, but what is not in doubt is the use of the compound by
armed Palestinian militias.
3. UNRWA is supporting Palestinian education,
which is teaching political doctrines to a new generation.
UNRWA plays a crucial role in the education
of Palestinian children. It maintains schools, pays for teachers
and helps provide schoolbooks. Without doubt, these are creditable
and important social achievements.
There are two problems here, which negate the
value of these investments. First, much of the Palestinian teaching
profession has been pervaded by a hidden and political agenda.
This has been detailed by IPCRI, a combined Palestinian—Israeli
effort, which has received the backing of the EU. [101]
Second, despite the gradual introduction of
a new curriculum starting from the academic year 2000—2001,
Palestinian children are still subject to substandard material.
In particular, the new textbooks, which have now been introduced
for 10 different grades:—
— They are overtly inflammatory in
their handling of Jewish issues. [102]
— They deny any biblical and historical
connection of the Jews to the holy land.
— They do not accept that Israel has
any right to exist in the region at all. [103]
These books are supplied by UNRWA and used in
UNRWA schools. And they cannot be explained away as isolated cases.
The UNRWA Teacher Training College in Ramallah teaches that Palestine
stretches from the Jordan to the Mediterranean and did not, does
not and will not have historical, physical, religious or cultural
connection for Jews. This message, hardly conducive to peaceful
two-state solution, is presented for its students to pass on the
next generation, bearing the full credibility of the college's
UNRWA patronage. [104]UNRWA
has even provided notebooks for pupils to carry out work and projects,
praising suicide bombers and other military operations against
civilians. [105]
Clearly, this policy is in direct conflict with
the teaching principles as laid down by UNESCO. [106]Palestinian
children are being abused by a politicised education system, which
is being funded by overseas donations. These contributions are
quite simply helping to the raise a new generation based on hate
and so ruin any chances of long-term peace in the region.
In conclusion, it cannot be doubted that there
are many sincere members of staff amongst UNRWA's varied team.
There are Palestinians, who rely on UNRWA's services. However,
this UN organization has requested money for vast amounts of aid,
which never reached its final destination. It effectively provides
logistical support and personnel for military operations against
Israel (not at the instructions of its directors). It promotes
an immoral education system to the detriment of Palestinian children
and the peace process.
Unless UNRWA undergoes solid structural reforms,
further investment in its organization will be an insult to taxpayers.
H. SUMMARY AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on a plethora of sources (both media,
governmental, and non-governmental), it is becoming increasingly
apparent that the Palestinian Authority has systematically been
funneling money according to their own purposes and to the detriment
of the their own people. It has also become clear that international
aid, including European Union funds, is falling into this abyss
and thus being misused as well. Even the Palestinian people have
become aware of this problem and have demanded change.
Israel, responsible according to the Oslo Accords
for providing specified amounts of aid to the Palestinians, has
found a way to ensure that their funds are received by the intended
parties. The European Union, the World Bank and other donors have
still not focused on the need for this supervision. This allows
funds to continue to fall into the wrong hands, ultimately to
be used for the wrong reasons.
As a taxpayer, it is my right and obligation
to demand that all funds be used for proper educational materials,
real and improved living conditions, development of infrastructure
and more.
More importantly, I would request that this
inquiry committee ensure that controls are placed on any UK aid
provided to the Palestinians to promise that it arrives at its
intended destination. More than that, conditions need to be attached
to aid, such that the taxpayer can be confident that the ultimate
aims are achieved and that the aid does not become a backfill
for theft or funding agendas not supported by UK foreign policy.
To date, no government outside the region has succeeded in implementing
such a system.
When the living conditions of the ordinary Palestinian
improves, when financial transfers become transparent, when terrorism
ceases and when incitement and violence are condemned in the education
system and in Palestinian society, there are tremendous activities
that HM government can and should support. Meanwhile these important
reforms are not in place. Therefore, I warn that donations from
our Exchequer will only serve as further padding of the pockets
of leaders, who have placed their personal finances above the
needs of their people, and thus destabilising the entire region,
prolonging the cycle of violence, and causing poverty and suffering
among the Palestinians.
I. POSTSCRIPT
As this submission was being concluded, news
broke that the Palestinian Ministry of Education had reprinted
an old book for students in the eleventh grade. Entitled "Islamic
Culture", it was originally published in 1994.
In brief, the book enhances the values of "holy
war" and "martyrdom". It also deplores Western
values, especially when they are encouraged by Christian missionary
activity.
The point is that Palestinian leaders have often
stressed that the new curriculum is not racist. The EC, and specifically
Mr. Patten himself, has tried to convince MEPs and European citizens
that the new textbooks are not inflammatory. They have tried to
ignore or cover up the weaknesses of the new books.
And now, here is a book, printed with the aid
of the Palestinian treasury, and which can clearly incite its
impressionable readers. In effect, this book was printed with
help from donors. Where were the controls? What mechanisms will
the British Parliament install in order to prevent this sort of
scenario?
As we reflect on these questions, it is worth
recalling that during the Intifada, there have been over 100 incidents
of suicide bombers (and many others which were thwarted). The
vast majority of the perpetrators were young people. We, in Britain,
cannot allow ourselves to become involved in this cycle of violence.
(Appendices A and B to the submission have
not been printed, but have been placed in the Library)
November 2003
72 http://www.delwbg.cec.eu.int/en/partnership/02/aid.htm.
See also: http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_elations/gaza/news/me02_90.htm Back
73
http://europa.eu.int/comm/110901/memo231101_en.htm Back
74
http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/gaza/news/me02_90.htm Back
75
http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/gaza/news/ip02_906.htm Back
76
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200203/cmselect/cmintdev/1107/3091606.htm Back
77
http://www.theprismgroup.org/euinquiry.htm Back
78
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/2002/090202.pdf Back
79
http://www.adf-berlin.de/html_docs/schwerpunkte/nahost_krise/rede_abbas.html.
Ironically, Mr. Patten takes an opposite view of the levy. See
his comments in a letter to Mr. Laschet MEP on 6 February 2003
at http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/mepp/eufundspa.htm Back
80
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2003/11/07/60minutes/main582487.shtml Back
81
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2003/11/07/60minutes/main582487.shtml Back
82
www.theherald.co.uk/news/4130.html Back
83
"In the Mind of a Suicide Bomber"-10 November
2003 Back
84
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?pagename=JPost/JPArticle/ShowFull&cid=1069129367598 Back
85
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/med/2003/eng/wbg/wbg.pdf-Page
91 Back
86
http://online.wsj.com/article_email/0,,SB106419296113226300-H9jeoNjlaZ2nJ2oZnyIaaeBm4,00.html Back
87
See the end of Mr. Patten's statement to the Foreign Affairs Committee
on 19 June 2002. Also, Mr David Bowe wrote to a constituent in
March 2003 that Mr. Patten "agreed that it was virtually
impossible to give 100% guarantees that money is not siphoned
off for improper use". Back
88
http://europa.eu.int/comm/externa_relations/mepp/eufundspa.htm Back
89
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/3279675.stm Back
90
See Appendix A. Copy placed in the Library. Back
91
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/325598.html Back
92
www.kerenmalki.org Back
93
http://www.britishcouncil.org/education/dreams Back
94
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/med/2003/eng/wbg/wbg.pdf-Page
12 Back
95
http://www.iapm.ca/newsmanager/anmviewer.asp?a=24&z=8 See
also articles X and XII of the Oslo Accords. Back
96
http://www.ngo monitor.org/ngo/types.htm Back
97
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?pagename=JPost/JPArticle/ShowFull&cid=1069129372932 Back
98
http://www.intelligence.org.il/eng/bu/theft/theft.htm Back
99
http://www.intelligence.org.il/eng/bu/karni/karni.htm Back
100
http://www.intelligence.org.il/eng/bu/unrwa_b/ter.htm Back
101
Analysis And Evaluation Of The New Palestinian Curriculum-Page
5ff Back
102
http://eufunding.org/Textbooks/Summary_Table.htm Back
103
http://eufunding.org/Textbooks/Geography.htm Back
104
http://www.eufunding.org/Textbooks/Geography.htm Back
105
http://www.intelligence.org.il/eng/edu _en.htm Back
106
http://eufunding.org/Textbooks/Unesco_Guidelines.htm Back
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