Select Committee on International Development Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by CARE Kenya

 (Submission to DFID Kenya as part of DFID Kenya's consultation on its Country Assistance Plan 2004-07)

  Thank you for the opportunity to comment on the CAP. First, some general observations:

    —  The document is well written, clear and fairly concise.

    —  The document lays out the problems and context well, and bridges those with strategy in a coherent and logical way.

    —  The objectives read well as intent statements but in our view the related sub-strategies lack sufficient specificity in a number of areas. Language such as "support", "engage", and "support enabling environment" is used often leaving it to the reader to speculate how this strategy will be put into action.

    —  There were no indicative resource amounts set against each objective so it is difficult to comment as to whether we think resources are allocated to objectives in the right proportions.

    —  We believe that in the "risk to poverty reduction", the probability of "government coalition disintegrating" should be moved from low to medium; the impact of "lack of progress on trade" moved from low to medium; and the "government lacks human and systemic capacity (perhaps more specifically, the lack of will of the public service) to implement the ERS" should be moved from medium to high in both probability and impact, especially since the turnaround strategy for Kenya is the ERS.

  With the foregoing in mind, we would like to comment as follows:

  1.  DFID have identified causes for Kenya's decline and correctly identified the main cause as poor governance, the illegitimate use of power by a few and lack of accountability, particularly of public institutions and processes. The paper provides a good description of the situation in various sectors and goes on to link that to the proposed strategy, the core of which is support to the Economic Recovery Strategy.

  2.  CARE agrees with the analysis and the proposed strategy but we question the strategy to the extent that it appears to concentrate DFID efforts on supporting the improvement if not transformation of a range of governmental institutions as the key drivers of economic recovery, rather than the private and non-state sectors. DFID's view is probably based on the assumption that broad-based, multi-sectoral change must be lead by government, however, we question the likelihood that government—notwithstanding the unprecedented political changes that occurred in December 2002—is willing or capable of driving, and following through on change; in effect of reforming itself. While our conclusion may be wrong, the strategy appears to be putting too many or most of the eggs in the public sector basket whereas we believe more support needs to be given to civil society organisations and the private sector, the latter of which is going to be where the bulk of investment is made and wealth is created, as is the case throughout the world.

  3.  It is widely held that poverty is not going to decline in Kenya without sustained economic growth. In fact, the GoK acknowledges this (point C.2) and further states that economic recovery will come primarily from improvements in the productive sectors of the economy. It is our view that government's role needs to be unambiguously that of facilitating local and foreign private sector investment into these sectors, and at the same time of active disengagement from actually trying to perform functions in these sectors whether through parastatals or government ministries, for example in the case of agriculture extension to smallholder farmers.[1] DFID has an important role to play in actively encouraging government with aid incentives or disincentives, to move in that direction. Transformation will not happen automatically; in fact, it is likely that various levels of government will resist these essential changes.

  4.  While economic growth is essential to poverty reduction it is also widely held that on its own growth is not enough. The ERS should not be the sole underpinning driver of DFID's engagement—but it should continue to significantly inform the process. Until its poverty focus is strengthened, and until it can look beyond the mere generation of macro-income and address issues of equity and public services, it would be unwise to make the ERS the sole or primary driver of decision-making on policy and budget allocations. We believe there is significant scope to develop models or frameworks to better manage public sector operations (and we comment further on that below) and that DFID can and should take the lead in making that happen.

  5.  The CAP strategy, which features government at the centre of economic transformation around the productive sectors of agriculture, manufacturing, trade and industry, and tourism needs to consider the following impeding or resisting factors, and incorporate sub-strategies to deal with them:

    —  Limited resources available for investment: government spending accounts for between 30%-40% of GDP, and most of this is wages and debt financing[2] (C.10); so government does not have much money for productive investment. Kenya needs to unlock the resources of the non-state sectors for investment.

    —  Capacity to absorb new donor investment: late last year, the donors made commitments of approximately $4 billion, but can that level of resources be absorbed well? Government disbursement of past credits has been consistently under-target and not necessarily used productively.

    —  Need for public service reform: what will be the efficiency and effectiveness of new investment if it is channeled through existing systems and structures, which not only need improvement but urgently require comprehensive reform? As mentioned above we believe government should move away from implementation of functions and focus on regulation of sectors and facilitation of service provision by non-state players. The draft plan does acknowledge this in point C8.

    —  The effect of investment without reform: E16 describes DFID's intention to invest resources in government. While this is important, we believe that large investments made in the absence of civil service reform will be wasted. Mention is made in the CAP of a new public sector salary structure (presumably increasing salaries), and reducing the wage bill to 8.5% of GDP. These two things can happen only in the context of major civil service reform.

  6.  With respect to the objectives of the CAP, we have the following comments:

To strengthen accountability and poor Kenyans' access to high-quality services

    —  We concur with the choices of sectors—education, health (especially HIV/AIDS), and agriculture. [3]

    —  We agree with point E6 that role clarity is critical, but ask what does this mean in practical terms? The poor badly need access to quality services in all sectors, whereas existing services are inadequate, therefore what is DFID proposing exactly?

    —  At the risk of being too specific or perhaps self-serving, we encourage DFID to support efforts of CARE who have been working with the CDC, PSI and Ministry of Water in expanding the availability of the Safe Water System (SWS) to poor Kenyans. The SWS is a water purification technology that combines chlorination, safe storage, social marketing and education to make existing water sources safe, and has proven to be very effective in reducing prevalence of diarrhoea in Kenya and several countries in Africa, at very low cost. The SWS is one technology with the potential to reach large numbers of the poor, through existing wholesale and retail networks at very low cost per person reached.

To promote sustainable economic growth which benefits poor people

    —  We strongly endorse this objective. The poor do not need handouts or even subsidies, they need opportunities to access markets at a fair price—markets for services, production-enhancing inputs, capital, markets for their produce, etc. At the moment the poor do not have access to most markets for various reasons including: perceived risk in dealing with the poor by private sector lenders and services providers; or high transaction costs; or institutional policy barriers such as requirements for collateral; to name just a few constraints. We believe many of the existing services markets, inputs/outputs markets and capital markets are at best imperfect and in many cases dysfunctional since the majority of the population cannot access them.

  Leaving the poor to cope on their own with hostile markets, or to expect existing market players to expand outreach or develop innovative pro-poor products and services on their own is not going to achieve economic growth that benefits poor people. The private sector needs to see the business case for making new investment. DFID and others such as CARE have a role to play in demonstrating to markets that the poor are good investments and in fact represent huge untapped markets and future market share. DFID's CAP therefore should strive to work with non-state players including CARE[4] and the private sector especially in the agriculture sector to encourage the development of commercially-viable, replicable and scalable business models that enable the poor to access markets and which create sustainable income streams. In other words, take the lead in showing that markets can work for the poor and not exclude them. This will require setting aside resources for innovative pilot activities, and to share risk with the private sector and NGOs (for example in the form of loan guarantees or risk sharing).

Multi-sectoral response to HIV/AIDS

    —  We strongly endorse this objective. The effect of AIDS is arguably one of the biggest impediments to development and poverty reduction in Kenya. However, if DFID is going to invest resources aimed at making NACC and NASCOP relevant to AIDS-affected Kenyans and CSOs fighting AIDS, then it must hold NACC and NASCOP accountable to perform competently, cost-effectively and with a sense of urgency in line with the scale and impact of the pandemic. Civil society organisations and affected Kenyans are in general disappointed with the performance of NACC and NASCOP.

    —  DFID should work with non-state players to develop working and replicable models that can be scaled up regionally or nationally that put into action (as is stated in point C11) a "genuinely multi-sectoral strategy that comprehensively addresses prevention, care and mitigation and which looks beyond the health sector to include all aspects of social and economic life". This is what will win the fight against AIDS, but we are a long way from seeing this sort of holistic approach functioning in practice.[5] Consortiums with significant outreach such as HACI or KANCO should be supported.

BRIEF COMMENTS ON PART III—ANNUAL PLAN

    —  Under reducing vulnerability and risk, CARE would like the opportunity to compete (in addition to Oxfam) for resources under the CAP that will support institution building in pastoral areas, and advocacy. We have been working in the ASALs for over a decade and have extensive experience in capacity building of Water User Associations around water resources and livestock production, as well as conflict management among pastoral groups. This work has been supported in the past by DFID.

    —  Under response to HIV/AIDS—we agree the CAP should work towards donor harmonisation in the AIDS sector by not only working to improve the Global Fund mechanism but also bearing in mind consortiums and funding mechanisms already in place, including: the Hope for African Children Initiative (HACI) which, through consortium members, has national outreach; the PEPFAR; and the USAID-funded CORE and ACQUIRE projects.

February 2004





1   The notion of turning around parastatals before privatising is counter to good business experience in Kenya and elsewhere. The process and outcomes from the privatisation of Kenya Airways should be a model for other parastatals. Back

2   DFID might wish to consider unilateral measures to reduce the debt servicing to the UK in order to free up internal investment capital. Back

3   CARE Kenya's mission is put into action around four focus sectors: commercialisation of smallholder agriculture, coping with HIV and AIDS, civil society organisation strengthening, and disaster response and mitigation. Back

4   CARE's REAP project-Rural Enterprises for Agribusiness Promotion-is one way in which we are helping subsistence farmers move to commercialised agriculture and access export markets. REAP is a business model executed in conjunction with two large fresh produce exporters, that enables poor farmers to access and pay for an integrated bundle of business services necessary in order to produce Asian vegetables at a quantity, quality and consistency to meet forward contracts with Kenyan exporters and UK buyers. This farmer-CARE-exporter relationship is currently providing over 20MT of fresh vegetables per week for export. Back

5   In Siaya district, CARE is working with government, communities and the CDC to integrate a PMTCT service into the existing health delivery system in eight facilities. The initiative is about improving supply of services provided by institutions and increasing demand for those services by communities. We plan to expand that activity to up to 30 facilities-governmental, faith-based, and community-run facilities. CARE will deliberately integrate this initiative with two others: a savings-based micro-finance programme and a smallholder agriculture programme, in an effort to build a working model of a "genuinely multi-sectoral strategy" that people affected by AIDS badly need. Back


 
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