Select Committee on International Development Uncorrected Written Evidence


Memorandum submitted by Campaign Against Arms Trade

  1.  The Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) is working for the reduction and ultimate abolition of the international arms trade, together with progressive demilitarisation within arms-producing countries. Since it began in 1974, CAAT has been approached by refugee groups from the many countries to whose governments the UK has supplied arms whilst their people have fled. Amongst these have been Pinochet's Chile, Iran, Iraq, Indonesia, apartheid South Africa, Sri Lanka and Turkey. The refugees always urge CAAT to press for an arms embargo on their countries.

  2.  Your press notice asks if aid can prevent violent conflicts and reduce the number of international asylum seekers. CAAT believes that, in addition, your Committee should investigate whether ending arms sales to areas of conflict and to governments which violate human rights would enable more people to remain in the homes and communities they are currently forced to flee.

  3.  Some overseas governments have been encouraged to spend money on military equipment whilst the essentials of civilised life—housing, education, health care and the like—are still a dream for many of their people. Your Committee might also consider whether this, too, means that people feel they have to leave their own countries to find a better life.

WAR AND HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE CAN FORCE PEOPLE TO BECOME REFUGEES

  4.  The Institute of Public Policy Research, in its paper "States of Conflict" (2003), shows clearly that "repression and/or discrimination of minorities and/or ethnic conflict" exist in all the top ten countries of origin of asylum seekers entering the European Union. Unsurprisingly, people flee when their lives are insecure.

  5.  However, all too often, whilst condemning the human rights violations or the conflicts UK governments have continued to supply arms to the perpetrators.

  6.  The current Government has introduced criteria against which export licences for military equipment are considered. Of the current Consolidated EU and National Arms Export Licensing Criteria, three of the eight are relevant to human rights and conflict—Criterion two with regard to "The respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the country of final destination"; three regarding "The internal situation in the country of final destination, as a function of the existence of tensions or armed conflicts"; and four regarding the "Preservation of regional peace, security and stability".

  7.  Whilst the introduction of these criteria is to be welcomed, their implementation is at best sporadic and at worst tokenistic. They do not appear to be being used in such a way as to have much of an impact on stopping human rights violations or conflict. The refugee groups asking for assistance in pressing for arms embargoes continue to come to CAAT.

PROGRESS ONLY WHERE LITTLE MONEY IS TO BE MADE

  8.  Sometimes, following protests, UK governments have taken action. For instance, the electric shock prods were last on display at a UK government arms export exhibition in 1982. CAAT wonders if one reason governments have bowed to pressure on "torture equipment" is that it is low technology, and there is not much money to be made from its sale.

  9.  It is business as usual, however, where major companies are manufacturing the equipment and their profits are threatened. Then, human rights are of secondary consideration. UK governments withstood massive criticism to defend the sale of Hawk jets to Suharto's Indonesia despite evidence that those supplied on a previous occasion had been used to intimidate the people of East Timor.

  10.  The UK government is currently defending the supply to Indonesia of spare parts for BAE Systems Hawk aircraft and Alvis Scorpion tanks. This is despite the key role being played by this equipment in Indonesia's war against pro-independence forces in Aceh. The Indonesia authorities had given " assurances" to the UK government that the equipment would not be used offensively or for counter-insurgency purposes. The UK government's response was to rewrite, and weaken, the terms of the "assurances".

  11.  Alarmingly, in July 2002, the UK government even changed its rules to allow the export by BAE Systems of components for F-16 fighters being made by the US company Lockheed Martin for sale to Israel. F-16s have been used against Palestinian civilians. In a briefing to Labour MPs, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw justified the changes by saying: "The Government has judged that the UK's security and defence relationship with the US is fundamental to the UK's national security. Defence collaboration with the US is also key to maintaining a strong defence industrial capacity." No mention was made of human rights, or the plight of the Palestinian people who might be killed or rendered homeless as a result of his decision.

  12.  CAAT also notes, that despite intensive lobbying by the Quadripartite Committee as well as many non-governmental organisations, the Government has refused to control the activities of UK citizens or companies brokering arms wherever they are located. As your Committee knows only too well, the links between the activities of many of these brokers, conflict and refugees are deadly and have left parts of Africa in bloody chaos.

  13.  It appears that, yet again, the Government's election pledges to restrict and control the arms trade come to nought when military companies lobby to be allowed to continue their activities without additional regulation. CAAT notes that in this case the Government has explicitly said, when rejecting the Quadripartite Committee's recommendation to apply controls to all trafficking and brokering, that it "would be likely to criminalise legitimate business by UK defence companies overseas carried out according to the laws of the appropriate country."

NOT JUST DIRECTLY VIOLATING HUMAN RIGHTS

  14.  Arms exports don't just violate human rights directly. Such sales are used by governments of supplier countries as instruments of foreign policy, military equipment is sold to "friends", and with the equipment goes a message of political approval for the recipient government. The deals do not encourage respect for human rights.

  15.  Again, UK governments have accepted this argument where UK companies have not stood to lose financially. In 1991, for instance in 1991 an embargo on the sale of all military equipment was imposed on Burma, not a major customer for UK arms.

  16.  However, where money might be made the desire to sell arms can compromise the message being sent. In 2002, Prime Minister Tony Blair urged India to back down from a confrontation, possibly nuclear, with Pakistan yet he continued to press the Indian government to buy BAE Systems' Hawk jets, a deal that has now gone through. Should there be a war on the Indian sub-continent, an exodus of refugees of massive proportions would result.

CONCLUSION

  17.  The Government wrings its hands over the refugee "problem", but through its support for arms sales actually encourages overseas governments to pursue policies which make it more likely that people will be forced to flee their homes.

  18.  To enable the UK to send a clear and unambiguous message in favour of human rights protocols and against armed conflict, the strong connections between the Government and arms companies must be broken, and the support for and subsidies arms exports ended. This would be a concrete step towards enabling refugees and economic migrants to stay in or return to their homelands, which is what most tell us they would prefer to do.

November 2003


 
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