Contribution by the International Institute
for Environment and Development and its partners to the UK International
Development Committee's inquiry on Migration and Development
November 2003
About IIED
The International Institute for Environment and Development
(IIED) is an independent, non-profit policy research institute
working to promote more sustainable and equitable global development.
We are based in London and work with an extensive network of colleagues
and collaborators around the world. Set up in 1971, just before
the UN Earth Summit, IIED can draw upon a well-established reputation
for independence and honesty, providing innovative ideas to push
policy forward in favour of more sustainable and equitable patterns
of development. Our long-standing partnerships provide us with
access to a range of actors, structures and processes at all levels,
from smallholder farmers to big city slum-dwellers through national
governments and regional NGOs, to global institutions and processes.
This contribution draws on wide consultations with our partners,
as well as from IIED's experience of work in the area of migration,
development and poverty reduction.
Comments and suggestions on selected issues addressed
by the inquiry
Development, poverty reduction and migration
1. The links between development
and migration are complex. While there is little doubt that
they are closely related, migration still tends to be seen as
problematic because it is associated primarily with rural-to-urban
movement, resulting in over-crowded cities and increasing urban
poverty in many low-income nations. But this is too simplified
a view: there are many types, directions and forms of migration,
and people who move do so for different reasons, and in different
ways. Direct control of migration has proved to be at best ineffective,
at worst to increase the hardship of the most vulnerable groups
of migrants. It is now generally accepted that policies should
aim to maximise the benefits of migration and reduce its costs.
But to do so, they must first clearly identify the specific needs
and priorities of the many different groups of migrants, so that
they can respond to them. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
do not explicitly refer to migration, although the targets of
reducing poverty and reducing the numbers of urban slum dwellers
(many of whom are migrants) are related to it. In some nations,
Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) and especially the Participatory
Poverty Assessments (PPAs) are starting to give more attention
to the relationship between migration, poverty reduction and development,
but this is still insufficient. And in almost all nations, but
especially in low and middle-income ones, reliable quantitative
information specifically related to internal and international
migration is, at best, patchy.
2. Overall, it is useful to think of
migration as one of the many strategies that different groups
of individuals and households use to make a living, or to improve
their livelihoods. Increasing their options both in home areas
and in destination areas and making migration a choice rather
than the only possibility should be the ultimate aim of development
policy.
3. A first, essential step is to
identify the broad categories of population movement. These
include economic, or labour, migration and internally or internationally
displaced persons moving because of conflict or environmental
disasters.
4. Voluntary economic migration is the
outcome of the combination of opportunities and constraints. Industrialisation
and the growth of the service sector offer new employment opportunities,
usually concentrated in urban centres which, in turn, attract
migrants. In low and middle income nations, these are often individuals
with relatively high educational qualifications and skills, the
financial resources allowing them to move to the more expensive
urban areas, and especially the social networks that facilitate
finding jobs and accommodation. But many migrants also move because
of increased difficulties in making a living in their home areas.
In the rural areas, these difficulties range from limited access
to natural resources (land, water) and decreasing returns to agriculture,
especially for small farmers. These migrants, often lacking skills
in non-farming activities, financial resources and access to social
networks, are more likely to move locally, either to other rural
areas or to local urban centres, including small and intermediate
ones.[1]
5. Aside this general distinction between
better-off migrants who move to take advantage of better opportunities,
and poorer migrants who are forced to move because of a lack of
options in their home areas, there are other important distinctions
that need to be taken into account in the formulation of migration-related
policies. They include:
· The
direction of the movement:
it is often assumed that migrants move from rural areas to urban
centres. This is certainly an important flow, and one of the main
reasons for the growth of urbanisation in low-and middle-income
countries. But it is not the only flow, and in some nations (for
example, in Vietnam[2])
it is not the most important in terms of numbers of recorded migrants.
Much movement is between rural areas - this is often short term
and linked to the agricultural calendar. Because it does not require
as many financial and social resources and new skills as rural-to-urban
migration, it is often undertaken by the poorest rural groups.
It also tends to go unrecorded because of its circular nature.
Movement from urban centres to rural areas is often linked to
retirement, but also, especially in many sub-Saharan countries
in the 1980s and 1990s, to the retrenchment of public sector workers
under structural adjustment programmes[3].
Seasonal movement by low-income urban residents for work as wage
labour on commercial farms is often an important way to supplement
incomes[4]. Movement from
one urban centre to another is also more frequent than usually
thought. Like all other directions of movement, it is largely
determined by the location of accessible economic opportunities.
In this sense, migration mirrors the spatial location of investment,
and is affected among other things by the relocation of industries
to secondary urban centres (for example, in the State of Sao Paulo
in Brazil) and by the establishment of export processing zones
(as in many Southeast Asian nations).[5]
· The
duration of migration: much
migration is not permanent, and in most cases does not involve
a 'clean cut' with home areas. In many low and middle-income countries,
economic migrants are keen to keep a foothold in their home areas.
This may involve retaining close links with relatives who look
after their property, and often their children, and who receive
remittances. This is especially the case for low-income rural-to-urban
migrants, for whom insecurity of housing tenure, unstable and
low-paid jobs, limited access to services, especially health and
education, and in many cases rising crime rates, can be a strong
disincentive to invest or raise their families in the cities[6].
Policies should aim to enhance security and access to services
at destination; but at the same time they should strive to support
these 'multi-local' household structures which are often a crucial
safety net for poor groups.
· Family
and individual migration:
a large proportion of migrants is young and single and, especially
for women, this may increase their vulnerability. But it is also
important for policy formulation to have better information on
the circumstances of married migrants moving with their families.
This is because the need for services such as housing, health
and education, is much higher for households with young children.
Planning for local service provision in destination areas can
benefit hugely from detailed information of this kind.
6. This short summary hopefully gives an overview
of the complexity of migration, and of the fact that migration-related
policies need to address not only population movement, but also
its underlying causes and especially inequalities. But one important
element of migration also needs to be emphasised, and that is
that for many migrants, the decision to move is dictated in no
small part by the desire to see the world and expand one's experience
of it. This is a perfectly legitimate desire in most high-income
nations - in fact, one that is often encouraged. Moreover, in
high-income nations, population movements linked to changes in
the spatial distribution of economic activities are not seen as
necessarily problematic; in fact, geographical labour mobility
is rather desirable. Hence, any assumption that aid should prevent
migration by promoting local development is unfounded. Local development
should be supported as an important aim in itself; and, by increasing
economic opportunities, it may result in the attraction of in-migrants.
But this does not mean that it will prevent individuals and households
to look for different opportunities by migrating elsewhere.
7. There are important ways in which
aid can support policies that aim to maximise the benefits of
migration and reduce its costs. First, it can help develop information
systems that serve as the basis for national and local planning.
The pattern and scale of migration in the next 25 years
are difficult to predict. While there is consensus that population
movement has increased in the past two decades, it is difficult
to quantify it with any accuracy. This is because a large proportion
of international migrants are undocumented and thus 'invisible'
in both sending and receiving countries. But quantification of
internal migration is also problematic: large-scale surveys and
national population censuses are often inadequate tools for the
collection of data on population movement. Investment in improving
international and national information systems on migration is
an essential step towards better understanding. And detailed information
on the different groups of migrants is key for developing local
initiatives that improve migrants' lives, such as better service
provision.
8. Second, aid can support national
governments in better understanding the implications of the spatial
dimensions of national development strategies. For example, large-scale,
mechanised agricultural production is likely to result in the
migration of small farmers out of rural areas if there are no
local alternative employment opportunities[7].
The location of export-processing zones (EPZs) close to urban
centres benefits employers who can count on the proximity of a
labour pool, but since workers in EPZs are usually mainly migrants,
this increases pressure on local authorities responsible for service
provision[8]. And the renewed
interest in regional economic development through the establishment
of 'growth centres' where investment in infrastructure is concentrated,
needs to be grounded in a careful assessment of the implications
for their surrounding areas. In too many cases, such policies
have resulted in smaller settlements being by-passed, and their
economic decline goes hand in hand with out-migration.[9]
Migrants as a development resource
9. Migrants often play an important
role in the development of both home areas and destinations. Rather
than mobilising them to complement aid, it will be much more effective
for aid agencies, as well as national and local governments, to
improve their understanding of migrants' existing contributions
and support them.
10. Migrants' support to home areas
ranges from financial support to relatives and kin to donations
and investment benefiting the whole home community. In many cases,
migrants also provide information on market prices and consumer
preferences to relatives and communities in rural areas. In this
way, they function as a vital link between urban markets and rural
producers (see box 1).
Box 1. Migrants as a link between urban markets and
rural producers
In the past few years, farmers in the
plains around the town of Himo, in northern Tanzania, have increasingly
invested in the production of tomatoes. Most of them lack access
to information on market prices fluctuations, and their decisions
are based on production costs. The majority grow their crops during
the dry season, when costs are lower - but this creates a glut
in both local and national markets, and producer prices are very
low. Production during the rainy season requires higher investment,
but as demand outstrips supply, producers can earn as much as
ten times more than during the dry season. The few farmers who
grow tomatoes during the rainy season rely on a network of migrant
relatives who send information on retail prices in urban markets,
allowing growers to negotiate with wholesale traders.
In Tamil Nadu (South India) rural migrants
to the urban centres often work as vegetable traders, usually
starting off as street hawkers. Relatively few of them become
wholesale agents, but they are instrumental in influencing cropping
patterns in their villages of origin and to persuade farmers to
switch to vegetables in higher demand.
Sources: Diyamett et al (2003), op cit;
Benjamin, S and R Bhuvaneswari (2001) Inclusive and Pro-Poor
Urban Governance in Bangalore, University of Birmingham.
11. But it is also important to avoid
generalisations on the developmental role of migration, since
there can be negative as well as positive impacts. Box 2 describes
the complexity of the impact of migration on home areas. It is
because of this complexity, which is closely linked to the specific
characteristics (historical, geographical, social, political,
economic and ecological) of each location, that policy interventions
need to be based on a careful assessment - and this can only be
done by competent, accountable and democratic local governments.
Box 2. Migrants' mixed influence on home areas in
Southeast Nigeria
Akwete, a small town in Southeast Nigeria,
is an important area of out-migration. Migrants retain strong
links with the town, and through traditional age-group associations
make important contributions to the community, such as the construction
of schools, a town hall and water fountains. Many migrants also
build homes for their retirement. While this has contributed to
increasing employment opportunities in the construction sector,
it has also encroached on farming land around the town. Many farmers
have sold their plots, and agriculture is declining while non-farm
activities other than construction (for example, agri-processing)
have not emerged locally. As a consequence, the proportion of
migrants and commuters to nearby urban centres has increased.
Source: D Okali, E Okpara and J Olawoye
(2001) The case of Aba and its region, southeastern Nigeria
Working Paper 4, Rural-urban interactions Series, IIED,
London
12. The case of Akwete is not uncommon,
and in many low-income nations migrants' investments in home areas
seldom include productive activities. In most cases, this is because
the lack of infrastructure and institutional support makes it
difficult to make a profit.
13. Migrants' contribution to the development of
their destinations is often overlooked, although evidence shows
that migrants usually move to the most dynamic areas, where there
are economic opportunities as well as demand for labour. In some
cases, migrant workers can make an essential contribution to local
economies. The example from Mali described in box 3 shows that
this is often linked to specific local conditions of land tenure.
Especially in West and Central Africa, the position of migrants
in relation to land is complex. When land was in abundance, migrants
were sought to clear the bush and contribute to agricultural activities,
although under customary land tenure systems they never acquire
full rights over land, even if they have cultivated a plot sometimes
over several generations. As land has become scarcer, migrants
have found that their access to land has become much more difficult.
It is increasingly hard to acquire new plots of good quality,
and rights over existing plots may be contested, especially when
a change of generation occurs on either side of landowner or migrant.
14. As land tenure systems in much of sub-Saharan
Africa are undergoing significant changes, national and local
governments and aid agencies should include a better understanding
of the position of migrants and their rights in this debate[10].
Box 3. Secondary land rights, migration and farming
in central Mali
Secondary land rights include sharecropping,
tenancy and borrowing of land under customary tenure systems (land
management and allocation by traditional authorities such as village
chiefs and village councils). Secondary rights are often seen
as exploitative as they do not give permanent tenure rights to
users. However, in some circumstances they can benefit both secondary
and permanent rights holders. In the village of Baguinéda,
in central Mali, where labour shortages are a potential problem,
secondary rights allow small-scale farmers to hire migrant workers
in exchange of temporary rights to cultivate own plots. The system
is highly structured, with specific days of the week allocated
to work as labourers and others to work on the borrowed land.
Two aspects are central to the functioning of the system: first,
land tenure in the village is almost exclusively under the customary
system and controlled by the village council, allowing for secondary
rights allocation. Second, the strong demand from nearby urban
markets for horticultural produce, in which the village specialises,
makes cultivation of even a small plot relatively profitable and
therefore attractive for migrants.
Source: GRAD (2001) Potentialités
et conflits dans les zones péri-urbaines: le case de Bamako
au Mali Working Paper 6, Rural-urban Interactions Series,
IIED, London
15. Migrants who move to urban centres are often
portrayed as putting pressure on services and infrastructure,
while contributing little to the local economy. In more than one
way this mirrors widespread perceptions of the burdens imposed
by international migrants moving from low and middle income nations
to high income ones. However, detailed studies show that migrants
play an essential role in urban economies, providing labour and
a whole range of cheap services for both the more affluent groups
(for example, as domestic workers, gardeners, child carers) and
for the middle and low-income groups (for example street vending
of food, mechanical repairs, tailoring). Despite this, migrant
status often excludes these workers from public support initiatives
and in many cases migrants are a significant proportion of the
urban poor.
16. In Vietnam, household registration
- a key tool in controlling migration - has been relaxed, but
it still affects migrants' lives. Research in Ho Chi Minh City
found that without permanent registration, migrants are unlikely
to gain access to formal sector jobs and are instead likely to
remain confined to the unskilled, low-paid and low-security informal
sector. They are also not eligible for the services provided under
the Hunger Eradication and Poverty Reduction programme, which
include low-interest loans, free health care and exemptions from
school fees. Because they live in informal, low-income settlements,
they are also often unable to access secure land and housing tenure
or to connect to electricity, water and sanitation infrastructure[11].
Aid agencies can play an important role in supporting research
that shows the positive role of migrants in urban economies. They
can also greatly improve their living conditions by supporting
the initiatives of grassroots associations of the urban poor through
the provision of small-scale but flexible funds[12].
Remittances
17. In most low-income nations, remittances
are a crucial component of rural households, and a key element
of the continued links between migrants and their home areas.
In many rural settlements in sub-Saharan Africa migrants' remittances
are probably the most important source of family cash - often
higher than income from farming - and are used to supplement consumption
and to purchase consumer goods (radios, bicycles) as well as agricultural
inputs and livestock. But while remittances are increasingly important
for rural households, their amounts have generally declined in
the last fifteen years or so, due to higher costs of living in
the urban centres and growing insecurity in the urban labour markets.
This affects especially the poorest groups, who are usually confined
to low-skilled, low-paid and insecure activities in the urban
informal sector.
18. Rural migrants are mainly young
women and men, whose absence often results in labour shortages
in home areas. In a number of African countries, there is an increasing
trend towards more distant destinations for both women and men.
This means that, because of the cost of moving, migrants stay
away for longer periods of time and, crucially, are unable to
return home for the farming season as is often the case with intra-regional
movement. Small farming families do not have the means to resort
to wage labourers, and often end up selling or leasing their land
to wealthier groups. Especially in the more profitable peri-urban
agricultural areas, farming is undergoing dramatic transformations,
from smallholder, family production to commercial production relying
on mechanisation and seasonal wage labour. This is likely to have
significant repercussions on the poorest groups, whose livelihoods
are increasingly based on the combination of agricultural wage
labour and non-farm activities, with rising insecurity in both.[13]
19. The role of remittances in the development
of home areas needs to be placed in the context of the deep transformations
that rural areas in low-income nations are now undergoing. So
on the one hand they are indeed a safety net for poor households
- but within a context of the erosion of traditional livelihood
systems. Such transformations are no guarantee of improved livelihoods.
20. On the other hand, it is true that
for the wealthier households, remittances can be an important
source of capital used to expand and diversify their economic
base, either in agriculture or in services (for example buying
land in the villages and in peri-urban areas, and in the construction
of residential and commercial property). But remittances are only
used for value-adding productive activities that can have a significant
impact on local economic development - for example, processing
of agricultural produce - when there is sufficient basic infrastructure
and institutional support, including access to markets, to make
it profitable.
21. Aid initiatives can support the
positive role of remittances in poverty alleviation and local
development, provided they:
· Do
not focus narrowly on agricultural production alone, but adopt
a wider approach to rural development, including the role of non-farm
activities, changes in agricultural production systems and their
impact on the livelihoods of different groups, and land tenure
systems
· Ensure
they are linked to the broader role of migrants as a development
resource in both home and destination areas.
South-south migration
22. Cross-border migrants moving between
Southern nations often face difficulties similar to those of internal
migrants, albeit with more risky consequences. In many parts of
West and Central Africa, migrants rely on derived or secondary
rights to land under customary land tenure. Their vulnerability
has repercussions on the region's economy. In Ghana, the Aliens
Compliance Order was introduced in 1969, requiring all aliens
without papers to leave the country within two weeks. Migrants,
particularly from neighbouring Burkina Faso, had been of enormous
significance to the development of cocoa production in Ghana through
share farming contracts and as farm labour. On their expulsion,
there were serious labour shortages for which local labour supplies
could not compensate.
23. In Côte d'Ivoire, legislation
introduced in late 1998 asserts that non-Ivorians cannot now be
considered as full landowners. Migrants from Mali and Burkina
Faso are estimated to make up 30 percent of the country's population
and have been for 30-40 years central to the plantation sector's
success. Migrants may now gain access to use of land on long term
leases, but they cannot hold title to land. The consequences of
growing land scarcity and new legislation restricting migrants'
access to land have been increased levels of harassment as indigenous
groups try to reclaim land they had previously 'sold' to Sahelian
migrants, a unilateral re-negotiation of contracts in favour of
Ivorians, and an outflow of migrants back to the Sahel. These
events are linked to the civil war that ravaged the country in
2002-03, and to the current instability.
24. The trafficking of women and children
across borders between neighbouring countries is an increasing
and extremely concerning phenomenon. These transboundary trade
systems are often seen as part of a broader trade in children,
such as girls from rural to urban areas where they work as servants
for a pittance. In Southeast Asia, trafficking of women and children
is often associated with prostitution and sex exploitation, although
in many cases trafficked individuals are more likely to suffer
from exploitation related to pay and working conditions. In West
Africa, testimonies from children smuggled across national borders
and forced to work in slavery-like conditions as farm labourers
in cotton, maize and rice farms have recently highlighted the
problems of unregulated transboundary movement. This usually takes
place across land borders, often in forest areas or other sparsely
populated regions, making it difficult to keep tight frontier
controls. In addition, national borders in many cases are the
vestiges of colonial demarcations which cut across areas where
ethnic and kin relations and commercial exchanges can be very
intensive and involve daily movement across borders, again making
effective frontier controls difficult.
25. South-South migration is often,
although of course not always, a type of movement which somehow
'falls between the cracks'. Migrants are often undocumented because
moving may not involve crossing frontier check points; hence the
size of the flows is also often undocumented, and because of this
easily exploited by political groups. Because they are undocumented,
migrants also have few rights, and especially women and children
can be particularly vulnerable. DFID can play a valuable role
in supporting South-South exchanges and shared learning from different
regions, directly involving low and middle-income nations' governments.
In the longer term, support to developing relevant regulations
and controls will also be valuable.
Development coherence and policy
on migration
26. Virtually any policy has an impact,
direct or indirect, on migration patterns. While DFID and other
donor and international agencies are showing increasing interest
in migration, much remains to be done in understanding the impact
of their interventions in support of development (especially economic
growth) on population dynamics.
27. Aid initiatives may support increased
agricultural productivity through mechanisation and land consolidation
but fail to take into account the wider context of rural development.
Such measures may increase out-migration from rural areas as they
reduce the income-generating opportunities for the large number
of small and family farmers in low-income nations. Investment
in infrastructure such as roads and transport has been shown to
increase out-migration if it is not accompanied by institutional
support to the development of local economies. This is important,
because there is clear evidence that most households in low and
middle-income nations rely on both rural and urban-based resources
for a living[14]. Supporting
rural non-farm employment can be essential in providing people
more choices - but it will not necessarily reduce migration. However,
any poverty reduction initiative that does not include an understanding
of the role of migration in the livelihoods of poor and vulnerable
groups risks to be seriously flawed.
28. In many instances, local governments
can play a key role in maximising the benefits from migration
and reducing its costs. Local governments in destination areas,
often urban centres, can improve urban management and the living
conditions of migrants. Rural local governments can link up with
migrant associations to maximise the household and community use
of remittances by identifying their needs and priorities and acting
on them. But to do this, decentralisation efforts need to address
the underlying issues of local government capacity, accountability
and revenue base. Most crucially, decentralisation cannot happen
without support and clear political commitment to local decision-making
from higher levels of government.
29. DFID should integrate an understanding
of migration in all its programmes. However, this is difficult
at the general level, since migration is not only complex, but
tends to vary widely between and within nations and over relatively
short periods of time. Country Assistance strategies and plans
should include support to on-going information systems on migration
(internal and international) and the identification of specific
areas for intervention that are linked to the 'costs' of migration
- these should include inequalities based on gender, ethnicity
and migrant status, as described in this contribution.
Gender issues and migration
30. Single women, often young and moving
independently from their families, are the migrant group that
has grown in size most dramatically in the past two decades. In
part, this is due to new employment opportunities, for example
in manufacturing in export processing zones, in the international
tourist industry and in the service sector, but also in the so-called
'entertainment industry', which ranges from waitressing in bars
and restaurants to prostitution (and often a mixture of the two).
Women and children are also the main victims of growing international
trafficking, which is often linked to prostitution and sexual
exploitation, and almost always to exploitative working conditions.
Migrant women, especially if moving independently, are generally
more vulnerable than migrant men in destination areas. Especially
those who work in the 'entertainment' industry tend to move far
away from home areas to avoid ruining their families' reputation,
but this weakens their support networks.
31. There can also be significant gender-based
differences in the reasons for migrating. One of these is limited
access to resources in home areas: in many nations, daughters
do not inherit land from their parents, although they are expected
to provide unpaid labour on the family farm[15].
Migration is the best if not only opportunity to achieve financial
and personal independence for young women. Married women's independent
migration, both internal and international, is also more likely
in nations where women lose access to family resources upon separation
or death of their spouses, and this has important implications
for the wide diversity of household structures and organisations
in many urban centres (see box 4). In turn, different households
have different needs for service provision, and local government
planning requires detailed information.
Box 4. Migration and woman-headed
households in Honduras
In Honduras, 26 percent of female heads
of households in low-income urban barrios are migrants
who arrived in the cities alone with their children. For rural
women who find themselves without a male partner, either through
widowhood or separation, economic survival is problematic since
they usually have only limited access to land and employment.
Young, separated women find it most difficult to survive alone
financially, since on separation land rights tend to remain with
men, hence the majority of separated women have to rely on income
from wage labour alone, for which there are more opportunities
in the urban centres.
Source: Bradshaw, Sarah (1995) Women-headed
households in Honduras in TWPR 17:2
32. Gender values also mean that almost
everywhere, women are expected to feel more responsible for their
relatives than men. So in the Philippines, parents tend to encourage
their daughters, rather than their sons, to migrate as they can
count on more regular and sizeable remittances. Evidence shows
that, among migrants, women tend to send larger proportions of
their incomes to their families, and this can increase their vulnerability
in destination areas (for example, cheap accommodation is often
in insecure locations; free health services are often not available
for unregistered internal migrants and undocumented international
migrants, and women who cannot afford to pay will do without).
33. Like all other types of movement,
women's migration should not be seen only in negative terms. Despite
frequent hardship, in many if not most cases it also fulfils a
desire for greater financial and personal independence. But policies
need to address the inequalities that increase women's hardship
compared to men's. These include:
· The
unequal access to assets in home areas, especially land and property,
in the context of inheritance and divorce/separation regulations
· In
many cases, the lack of proper protection of workers' rights in
sectors with high proportions of migrant women workers, such as
export processing industries in low and middle-income nations,
and low-skilled, low-paid services also in high-income nations
· The
still insufficient international effort to curb trafficking of
women and children
1 Tacoli, C and D Satterthwaite (2003) The Urban
Part of Rural Development: The Role of Small and Intermediate
Urban Centres in Rural and Regional Development and Poverty Reduction
Working Paper 9, Rural-Urban Interactions Series, IIED, London
Back
2
Dang, N A, C Tacoli and X T Hoang (2003) Migration in Vietnam:
a Review of Information on Current Trends and Patterns and Their
Policy Implications, Paper prepared for DFID, London Back
3
add refs Back
4
Kamete, AY (1998) Interlocking livelihoods: farm and small town
in Zimbabwe, in Environment and Urbanization 10:1 Back
5
Tacoli, C and D Satterthwaite (2003) op cit Back
6
Smit, W (1998) The rural linkages of urban households in Durban,
South Africa; and Kruger, F (1998) Taking advantage of rural assets
as a coping strategy for the urban poor, both in Environment
and Urbanization 10:1 Back
7
see Tacoli, C and D Satterthwaite (2003) op cit Back
8
see Dang, N A, C Tacoli and X T Hoang (2003) op cit Back
9
see Tacoli, C and D Satterthwaite (2003) op cit - add more refs? Back
10
Lavigne, P et al (2002) Negotiation access to land in West
Africa: A synthesis of findings from research on derived rights
to land. IIED/GRET, London Back
11
Dang, NA, C Tacoli and XT Hoang (2003) op cit Back
12
for example, Mitlin, D (2003) A fund to secure land for shelter:
supporting strategies of the organised poor, in Environment
and Urbanization 15:1 Back
13
Tacoli, C (2002) Changing Rural-Urban Interactions in sub-Saharan
Africa and their impact on livelihoods: a Summary Working
Paper 7, Rural-Urban Interactions Series, IIED, London Back
14
Camilla Toulmin et al (2000) Diversification of livelihoods:
Evidence from Mali & Ethiopia. IDS Research Report no.47. Back
15
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