Select Committee on Northern Ireland Affairs Written Evidence


APPENDIX 11

Memorandum submitted by the British Irish Rights Watch

1.  INTRODUCTION

  1.1  BRITISH IRISH RIGHTS WATCH (BIRW) is an independent non-governmental organisation that monitors the human rights dimension of the conflict and the peace process in Northern Ireland. Our services are available free of charge to anyone whose human rights have been affected by the conflict, regardless of religion or political or community affiliations. We take no position on the eventual constitutional outcome of the peace process.

  1.2  We welcome this opportunity to respond to the inquiry by the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee into the Segregation of Paramilitary Prisoners at HMP Maghaberry.

  1.3  BIRW has taken a long-term interest in the conditions in detention of paramilitary prisoners in Northern Ireland, both in prisons and in the holding centres. Our sole concern has been for the safety of such prisoners and to ensure that they are treated in conformity with domestic and international law and rules relating to the human rights of prisoners and guaranteeing their right to a fair trial. We have also, of course, been mindful of the safety of prison officers.

  1.4  We have never advocated the segregation of paramilitary prisoners on political lines. We understand the historical and political reasons why such segregation came into existence, but we accept that segregation was far from ideal. In particular, as the murders of Billy Wright and David Keys graphically illustrated. Segregation did not provide a safe environment for prisoners.

  1.5  On the other hand, neither have we advocated enforced integration of paramilitary prisoners. In our view, prison populations are microcosms of the population as a whole. If Northern Ireland society is not yet ready for integration, then it is neither desirable nor possible to use prisons for the conduct of social experiments in integration.

  1.6  We began to receive complaints from both republican and loyalist paramilitary prisoners at Maghaberry in around 2001. With the closure of the Maze prison both convicted and remand prisoners were being sent to Maghaberry, with its integrated regime. For a number of reasons there were more loyalist than republican prisoners at Maghaberry, so some republican prisoners felt particularly vulnerable. At first the complaints we received were genuinely about the fears of some paramilitary prisoners on both sides for their safety. Some of them had been threatened or assaulted inside the jail and were afraid to name the perpetrators because of the risk of reprisals. Others had been visited by the police and told that death threats had been made against them. In these cases, the police had given few details and the prisoners concerned feared that they might be attacked within the jail. In some cases, solicitors acting for prisoners contacted us with concerns about their clients' safety, or confirmed to us that their clients had been threatened or assaulted.

  1.7  As time went by it became obvious that some prisoners, while they may have entertained genuine fears about safety, at the same time recognised the potential for using the issue to achieve political segregation. Dissident republicans in particular began to campaign for segregation, then loyalists made common cause with them. The dilemma now facing the prison authorities is that of allowing a degree of segregation without returning to the situation that arose in the Maze, where the paramilitaries had de facto control of the wings.

2.  THE STEELE REVIEW

  2.1  In our view the Steele Review paints a reasonably comprehensive overview of the problems at Maghaberry and makes a number of very useful recommendations for improving the situation there. It is obvious that they did not reach their decision to recommend segregation lightly and it is not clear to us why the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee feels the need to look at "the reasons behind the change in policy and the factors which were taken into account". It seems to us that Appendix A to the Steele report quite clearly sets out all available options and indicates their reasoning.

  2.2  The report touches on many other issues and we hope that they will not be lost sight of in the Committee's consideration of segregation. In particular we would like to highlight and endorse the following recommendations:

    —  The appointment of a Prison Ombudsman for Northern Ireland

    —  an alternative to imprisonment for fine defaulters

    —  an end to housing refugees and asylum seekers in prison

    —  an end to doubling prisoners in single cells

    —  a reduction in unnecessary bureaucracy

    —  a newspaper supplier in a neutral location

    —  drug-free areas

    —  an adequate and comprehensive CCTV system

    —  separate entrances for staff and visitors

    —  better facilities for visitors.

3.  SEGREGATION

  3.1  The Steele report recommends that prison staff must remain on landings and that normal lock-ups should apply. They have also expressed the hope that off-wing activity, such as education, should remain integrated.

  3.2  We recognise that implementing segregation will have resource and management implications. We hope that the Committee will recommend that the government should make the necessary resources, both financial and logistical, available in order to achieve the best possible regime.

  3.3  We recommend that segregated prisoners should enjoy precisely the same regime within the wings as integrated prisoners. The same system of incentives for good behaviour should apply, as should disincentives for poor conduct. While it will probably be necessary to segregate prisoners at meal times and during exercise, other off-wing activity should remain integrated. If segregated prisoners attempt to cause trouble during integrated activities, then they could be denied access to that activity for a period of time proportionate to the extent of their misconduct.

  3.4  We also recommend that all prison staff should be trained to deal with segregation and that duty on segregation wings should be rotated in the same way as on other duty, so that dedicated segregation teams of staff are avoided.

  3.5  We agree with Steele that prisoners who are eligible for segregation should be given the option of integration. However, because of the imbalance in numbers between republicans and loyalists, ways must be found to avoid isolating republicans who opt for integration.

  3.6  If Steele's recommendation of drug-free areas is adopted, then segregated prisoners must be able to benefit from this improvement equally with integrated prisoners.

4.  OTHER REFORMS

  4.1  Steele recommends that when recruitment recommences special efforts should be made to recruit more staff from the nationalist community. We think this does not go far enough. For historical reasons the prison service in Northern Ireland is predominantly Protestant in both its composition and its ethos, which means that it does not reflect the community of prisoners that it serves. That is not an acceptable state of affairs.

  4.2  Another problem within the prison service is the disproportionate influence on the management of prisons wielded by the Prison Officers Association.

  4.3  These two factors, together with the many problems relating to practices and attitudes touched on by Steele, leads us to conclude that the prison service as a whole would benefit from a Patten-style overhaul.

  4.4  We also believe that the prison estate in Northern Ireland is out-dated and inadequate. Rather than two large, concentrated prisons for adult, smaller, more modern facilities with a wider variety of regimes, including an open prison and a women's jail, would allow a much more flexible approach to the need of segregate some prisoners from others. That need is not unique to paramilitary prisoners, nor to Northern Ireland, but the present estate makes it harder to meet that need. Incidentally, we disagree with Steele's recommendation that remand and sentenced prisoners should be hold jointly. Remand prisoners, who are regarded as innocent in the eyes of the law, would inevitably be the losers from that form of integration. Furthermore, international human rights norms on prisoners insist that remand prisoners should be held separately.

  4.5  Finally, in our experience HMP Magilligan is not beset by anything like so many problems as HMP Maghaberry. The reasons for this bear examination in case there are lessons to be learned.

October 2003



 
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