Select Committee on Office of the Deputy Prime Minister: Housing, Planning, Local Government and the Regions Written Evidence


Memorandum by Nick Carter, Editor of the Leicester Mercury (SOC 74)

1.  ROLE OF THE MEDIA

  1.1  One of the greatest challenges facing editors today—whether of newspapers or broadcast media—is to keep in touch with the accelerating pace of change in our communities. The assumptions editors might have been reasonably comfortable to make a few years ago are almost certainly far too flimsy to work on now.

  1.2  One of the most important of all the changes is the size and significance of the different cultural and faith groups—whether they are 3rd or 4th generation or relatively new arrivals. And hand in hand with the changes they are going through, are the changes and emotions they can bring about in our longer-established communities.

  1.3  Our awareness of the issues that can develop around these changes is helping to drive the debate about community cohesion, how it can best be achieved and what is the role for the media in this process.

  1.4  Of course, community cohesion is not exclusively about race issues, even though that is where most of the discussion centres. It is also about the relative economic, educational and employment status of the communities involved.

  1.5  It is also about perceptions and understanding—and that means the media, as a key informer of public opinion, must have a major role to play.

  1.6  The importance of that role has been acknowledged by various Government and local government reports and assessments. Both the Denham and Cantle reports emphasise it. The Cantle report recommended that discussions should be held with a "range of regional newspaper editors (and media representatives) to establish a voluntary code of guidance, facilitated by the Department for Culture, Media and Sport and their representative bodies, on all aspects of community cohesion. A media group has been included in the various practitioner groups created in the wake of that report.

  1.7  So how should the regional media discharge this role? I believe the following points encapsulate what editors should be doing:

  1.7.1  They should be getting involved with the different communities in their area to make sure they understand fully all the issues and concerns that affect them.

  1.7.2  They should establish proper working relationships and regular contact with key organisations working to try to make life better for their communities.

  1.7.3  They should play a more proactive role in helping communities move towards a better future.

  1.7.4  They should seek to understand to the fullest extent in what ways the content and reporting style of their newspaper, television or radio station impacts on individuals, communities and the overall climate of feeling in their community.

  1.7.5  They should understand it will be tougher for their or any business, to make progress in communities where the component groups are fragmented, frightened and apprehensive than it would be when people share a common desire for a better future and are therefore actively interested in what is happening around them.

  1.7.6  And, with that understanding, it is about us getting better at being more proactive in finding opportunities to make a positive difference.

  1.7.7  At its centre, it is about moving from a position where we are more often than not fairly passive in how we discharge our responsibilities into a situation where we are much more active. It is about editors becoming proper players in the future of our communities.

  1.8  For the Leicester Mercury, it has meant setting up what is now the city's multi-cultural advisory group. (See 2 below)

  1.9  The responsibilities the Leicester Mercury now accepts as a consequence of sitting round that table mean we work harder to look for the positives in our communities—particularly where they demonstrate that people from different cultures are living and working together.

  1.10  We are more aware of those small groups of extremists who want to divide our communities and spread fear and suspicion. And we are better able to provide a platform for all the communities in which we seek to sell.

  1.11  Inevitably, this puts more pressure on us to make those right decisions and it does mean we have to spend more time thinking about the consequences of everything we do.

  1.12  But we made this move because of our own awareness of how our communities were changing and the spotlight that was starting to turn on us, as the key means of communication and information.

  1.13  I believe that, because of the population mix in Leicester, the Leicester Mercury probably came into the spotlight earlier than most. But as awareness of the importance of having cohesive communities grows, so more and more people are starting to look to the media for some answers—and also, inevitably, in some circumstances as somewhere to pin the blame.

  1.14  It is important to recognise that the various initiatives taken by the Leicester Mercury—in particular the creation of the multi-cultural advisory group—would have been very much more difficult if the newspaper had not enjoyed good working relationships with the other organisations involved. I believe this must be a key learning point for any moves to create similar groups elsewhere.

2.  CREATION AND WORK OF THE LEICESTER MULTICULTURAL ADVISORY GROUP

  2.1  Leicester has a history of interracial harmony that has been maintained in part by positive initiatives and constant vigilance by the city council, Leicester Council of Faiths and members of the many diverse communities in the city and county. The Leicester Mercury has always sought to play its part and has always been keen to recognise the positive contributions made to the cultural life of the city and county by the growing communities with roots in south Asia.

  2.2  During 2000 Leicester came under the spotlight nationally and internationally after it was revealed that some statistical analyses predicted that the city would have a minority white population by 2011. This was presented quite negatively in some national media and there was a danger of raised tension in the city. Because of this, and its own developing awareness of the need for a more active stance to assist community relations as the city moved into a new era, the Leicester Mercury adopted a more proactive policy.

  2.3  In the months before the 2001 General Election, it was clear that the race card could well be played nationally—with adverse impact in Leicester. The reporting of such matters, as well as how the city should be seen to respond would clearly need careful handling. Mercury editor Nick Carter called together a group representing various bodies and communities in Leicester with a view to creating an informal discussion group that could provide advice to all local media as well as presenting a united front were the city required to react to outside events.

  2.4  Twenty people attended a meeting on 14 March 2001. They included the leader and chief executive of Leicester City Council, the chief executive of Leicester Racial Equality Council, representatives of the police, Leicester Council of Faiths, academics, school principals and governors as well as local BBC and commercial radio and Asian TV in the city. They were there as individuals rather than delegates representing, and accountable to, organisations. (Appendix 3: List of members)

  2.5  Their purpose—to "discuss threats to the continuing development of a truly multicultural society in Leicester presented by the possible misuse or misrepresentation of race and related issues in any forthcoming General Election campaign," and "to identify what measures, if any, could be taken to counter or lessen the impact of such threats, both in the short and long term."

  2.6  It was agreed the meeting was worthwhile because a General Election could produce comments locally or attract unhelpful external media coverage. Such incidents could be countered directly by `a rebuttal squad' ready at short notice to speak on multicultural issues and by continuing to highlight the positive benefits of multicultural Leicester. It was also agreed that there should be no attempt to dismiss or cover up genuine areas of concern.

  2.7  The first meeting was immediately faced with how to advise the city council on the handling of a request from the National Front for a St George's Day march through Leicester. The city council leader had decided to use the meeting as a sounding board. Discussing whether the city council should seek to ban the NF march, (which it eventually successfully did) advisory group members were divided on whether the risk of allowing the National Front to make deliberately damaging statements outweighed the rights of all citizens to participate fully in the democratic process.

  2.8  The General Election passed without incident. But, with several meetings under its belt, the group realised it was a unique body and could provide a valuable service to community relations in Leicester—and indeed outside the city. Both the police and city council were keen for it to continue—particularly as a sounding board.

  2.9  A name and terms of reference were agreed in September 2001. (Appendix 4)

  2.10  Since then the group has met regularly and has begun to carve out a role as unofficial monitoring body for community cohesion in Leicester together and the various projects and activities being undertaken to tackle obstacles to cohesion. It has expanded membership to include representatives of youth groups and the city's growing Somali community.

  2.11  Chatham House rules generally apply to discussions. The group's greatest strength has been that the membership has felt free to speak plainly in an atmosphere of trust with little evidence of them feeling that they may have to justify themselves to other members of the group or to outside bodies from which they come.

  2.12  This is not to say that the members do not bring their own priorities to the group. Some see sport as the principal way to increase community cohesion and they seek to end racism among sports supporters and to encourage the city's professional sports clubs to appoint players (who will act as role models) from across a wider breadth of the population.

  2.13  Others prioritise education. The group has been self-confident enough for frank discussions (informed by external expertise) on the controversy surrounding plans by Leicester City Council with the Bishop of Leicester for a faith-based college and for an Islamic academy.

  2.14  The group has been fortunate to attract officers from the organisation Youth Voice as regular attendees and, in the past six months, as permanent members. Our meetings have been visited by members of the World Parliament of Faiths and by representatives of the Improvement and Development Agency. All seem to have been impressed by the group's direction and commitment.

  2.15  One suggested initiative mentioned at the first meeting—of a Leicester Declaration—was resurrected for the May 2003 local government elections when the leaders of the three main political parties signed an agreement based on the Commission for Racial Equality guidelines but amended by the group, pledging themselves and their parties to promoting good race relations. The message was clear: extremist parties would not be welcome in Leicester.

  2.16  Members of the group have on occasion met community representatives to discuss areas of possible tension and have also facilitated discussions with our major sports clubs on widening their involvement with ethnic minorities.

  2.17  None of the group would claim the battle is won. Indeed, the group's raison d'étre remains because its members are not complacent. Some members might sometimes think it is too obsessed with internal matters of membership, whether to be a monitor or an agent of action, and whether it should remain closely allied with the city when ethnic minorities are increasingly moving into neighbouring suburbs out of the unitary authority area. But it continues to have relevance and still gets early warnings of potential troubles.

3.  NATIONAL CONTEXT

  3.1  Since the Cantle report mentioned above, there has been little activity aimed specifically at encouraging greater media involvement in the promotion of community cohesion at local level.

  3.2  The Local Government Association produced "Guidance on Community Cohesion" in 2002. This document, a cooperation with the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, the Home Office, the Commission for Racial Equality and the Inter Faith Network for the United Kingdom, identified good practice and provided practical guidance across the whole spectrum of the issue.

  3.3  It carried five paragraphs on Press and Media—mentioning some media good practice, of which the Leicester Mercury was the only newspaper—and listed seven action points for local authorities with regard to media relations.

  3.4  The Home Office has set up a media practitioner group as one of the sub groups of its community cohesion panel. It is charged with producing advice to Government on the role of the media in community cohesion. The writer of this submission is a member.

  3.5  The Society of Editors, which represents most of the press and major broadcast media in the UK, included a session at its 2003 annual conference on the role of the media in community cohesion. The writer of this submission was one of the speakers.

  3.6  As I have stated in Section 1, I believe there is a need for editors to start to develop greater understanding of their communities and become even more proactive in what they do to promote and nurture community cohesion.

  3.7  This greater understanding and involvement can be achieved only through discussion and persuasion, rather than coercion, since that would undermine the freedom of the media—an essential ingredient of a free society.

  3.8  We should be encouraging editors to raise their own awareness of the different communities in their towns or cities and to work more closely with key organisations to promote social cohesion. This encouragement and guidance should come through established channels such as the Society of Editors, which is able to link at national level with other key bodies.

  3.9  But if such encouragement is to achieve results, then local organisations already involved more closely in community cohesion issues—such as local authorities and police—need to be receptive to any approaches. That could mean tackling the suspicions and tensions that often surround relationships between the media and other organisations. Local government in particular needs to be ready to share confidences with editors if they are to help them play more proactive role in building a better future.

APPENDIX 1

The Leicester Mercury

  The Leicester Mercury was first published on 31 January 1874, as a Liberal Party mouth-piece at the time of the General Election.

  Since 1954 it has been part of Northcliffe Newspapers Group Ltd, the regional newspaper operation of the Daily Mail and General Trust plc.

  The newspaper is the largest title within Northcliffe and the fifth largest regional evening newspaper in the UK, by circulation. It sells around 99,000 copies per day and is read by some 460,000 people during an average week. It circulates in Leicester, Leicestershire and Rutland and was named UK Regional Newspaper of the Year in 2001.

APPENDIX 2

Ethnicity and faith groups in Leicester

ETHNIC GROUP
Percentage of resident population in ethnic groups: LeicesterEngland
White63.990.9
     of which White Irish1.3 1.3
Mixed2.31.3
Asian or Asian British29.9 4.6
    Indian25.7 2.1
    Pakistani1.5 1.4
    Bangladeshi0.7 0.6
    Other Asian2.0 0.5
Black or Black British3.1 2.1
    Caribbean1.6 1.1
    African1.2 1.0
    Other Black0.2 0.2
Chinese or Other Ethnic Group0.8 0.9



  Source: 2001 Census, ONS

RELIGION
Percentage of resident population in faith groups: LeicesterEngland and Wales
Christian44.771.8
Buddhist0.20.3
Hindu14.71.1
Jewish0.20.5
Muslim11.03.0
Sikh4.20.6
Other religions0.40.3
No religion17.414.8
Religion not stated7.1 7.7



  Source: 2001 Census, ONS

APPENDIX 3

Membership of LMAG
Chair:
Ms Iris Lightfoot, Director
Leicester Race Equality Council
Secretary: Paul Winstone

Policy Officer, Leicester City Council

Nick Carter

Editor, Leicester Mercury

Ted Cassidy

Deputy Chair, East Midlands Regional Assembly

Rodney Green

Chief Executive,

Leicester City Council

Superintendent Ian Stripp

Leicestershire Constabulary

Freda Hussain

Principal Moat Community College

Rev David Jennings, Chairman

Diocesan Committee for Race/Community Relations

Jaffer Kapasi OBE DL

Deputy Lord Lieutenant

Don Kotak

Managing Director, Sabras Sound

Liam McCarthy, Managing Editor

BBC Radio Leicester

Vinod Popat

Managing Director, MATV

Rt Rev Tim Stevens
Bishop of Leicester
Roger Blackmore, Leader

Leicester City Council
Daahir Jawaahir

Somali Community Worker

Steve White

Education Practitioner Group,

Home Office

Sukdev Singh Bansal

President

Leicestershire Asian Business Association

Resham Singh Sandhu

Chairman

Leicester Council of Faiths

Sunil Budhdeo

Governor, Rushey Mead School

Chris Pole

Senior lecturer in sociology

University of Leicester

Haseeb Ahmed

Policy Unit, Leicester City Council

Prajay Pancholi

Youth Voice, Leicester

Jim Matthews

Community News Editor

Leicester Mercury

Adirupa Sengupta

Programme Director

Leicester Common Purpose

Asaf Hussain

Visiting Fellow—University of Leicester & Society for Intercultural Understanding

Angela Lennox

GP, St Matthews, Leicester



APPENDIX 4

Terms of Reference of Leicester Multicultural Advisory Group

VISION STATEMENT

  The Institutions and communities represented here, share a common vision of Leicester, as a prosperous multicultural city, at ease with itself. In transition to being a major regional centre for business and culture over the next few decades. We wish to deepen our diversity by exploring issues raised by the rapid transformation of the city. We wish to recognise opportunities and threats to our quality of life and that these can be managed in a strategic way for the maximum benefits of all our citizens. We recognise and wish to involve the Faith Communities in all our deliberations as well as individuals drawn from the private, voluntary and public sectors.

TERMS OF REFERENCE

  1.  Leicester Multicultural Advisory Group, LMAG, will exist to facilitate dialogue and insight into the big questions that will determine our future as a multicultural city over the next decades: The problem and opportunity of managing race relations in the city by wise and thoughtful long-term action. LMAG grows out of valuable work initiated by the Leicester Mercury.

  2.  LMAG will seek to be as inclusive as possible in involving all the Institutions and communities who have a stake in our future as a successful multicultural city. The Group will seek to articulate racial equality concerns, issues, aspirations and threats and then seek to develop practical consensual policies to address these projects. The Group will act as a focus for racial equality.

  3.  There will be a special emphasis on key issues in education and the emerging views of a new generation who will shape our future. Efforts will be made to establish a Youth Panel, to involve young people in our debates in a non-patronising way, and to listen to their viewpoint. Meetings will be documented and views disseminated.

  4.  This will be achieved through open debate, under Chatham House rules, followed by the development of policies that can be fed into strategic partnerships that are emerging to take the city forward.

  5.  Although the focus of discussion will be Leicester as an urban entity, meetings will be held to explore the regional and county issues involved, particularly the city/county relationship.

ADMINISTRATION

  Administration support will be undertaken by the city council including documentation and speaker arrangements etc the Chair will be held by an individual acclaimed by the Group. Meetings will be held bi-monthly to ensure quality. Academic support will be welcomed but the emphasis will be on practical policy making.





 
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