Memorandum by the Northern Ireland Council
for Voluntary Action (NICVA) (SOC 81)
SOCIAL COHESION IN NORTHERN IRELAND
1. OVERVIEW
1.1 Northern Ireland has been a society
in conflict for over 30 years and issues of social cohesion (or
lack thereof) have been to the fore in daily life in the most
unavoidable of ways. Relationships between the Protestant and
Catholic communities have been the historic problem, but recent
years and months have witnessed an upsurge in racist attacks which
characterise a general intolerance to "the other" as
an accepted behaviour. The significance of intolerance and societal
breakdown is no longer just a local problem. As the global situation
has changed, social cohesion in the UK as a whole has become related
to issues of national security, as diverse communities struggle
with varying allegiances and a swiftly changing national and international
situation. This means that the context in which we view social
cohesion and the urgency with which we address it are changing.
Since NICVA's experience relates largely to Northern Ireland,
we will confine our submission to experiences there, in the hope
that there will be resonances in other parts of the UK.
1.2 NICVA endorses the Canadian definition
of community cohesion as: "The ongoing process of developing
a community of shared values, shared challenges and equal opportunity
[within Canada], based on a sense of trust, hope and reciprocity
among all [Canadians]." As the umbrella body for the
voluntary and community sector in Northern Ireland, NICVA has
been involved in and has witnessed the various ways in which civil
society actors can intervene in situations to contribute to improving
or building social cohesion on a number of levels. These different
levels of engagement range from the very public— protests
against sectarian violence or intimidation, for example, through
the day-to-day work which includes attempting to bring people
together on the basis of what they have in common rather than
what they perceive as their differences, through to very sensitive,
behind-the-scenes work which includes mediation, work on policing
and negotiation.
1.3 Fundamentally, cohesion depends on people
and their values. It is naíve to think that economic solutions,
full employment or a better environment is the whole solution.
The first step in creating a cohesive community is to build an
agreed vision that a community or a wider society can and must
be shared by those who inhabit it. As the umbrella body for the
voluntary and community sector in Northern Ireland, NICVA recently
replied to the Government's A Shared Future consultation
in Northern Ireland by stating: "NICVA strongly desires
a shared and stable society which enables a vibrant third sector
to work in developing communities and enriching democratic processes.
In a democratic society it is essential that people have freedom
of movement, thought and religion. NICVA believes that genuine
community development is not a competitive process and should
leave no room for sectarian or racist attitudes. Unfortunately,
the culture of fear and threat which pervades many areas of Northern
Ireland has stifled attempts at genuine community development
and local participation. Representing a voluntary and community
sector which wants to see human rights and equality for all citizens,
NICVA believes that `benign apartheid' is not an option. `Separate
but equal' can only lead to inequality and the endless cycle of
competing claims. Those most damaged by this scenario will be
those already at a disadvantage and therefore least able to afford
the regressive consequences that would accompany it. NICVA considers
that it is in the interests of voluntary and community organisations
and the communities in which they work that a shared and stable
future be our common goal."
1.4 NICVA recognises that in modern societies
identities are relational and complex. This only really makes
a tangible difference when tolerance breaks down. Much of the
work that has been done in Northern Ireland and much of the work
that is still funded attempts to work with "single identity"
communities. This presupposes a rather essentialist concept of
pre-formed identity which does not recognise the complex, multi-layered
nature of identity in modern societies. It also presupposes a
somewhat homogenous and monolithic conception of `communities'
within which everyone thinks and identifies themselves in the
same way. NICVA believes that single identity is work is valuable
if it forms part of a process of gaining the confidence to reach
out and engage with others whose identities are perceived to be
different. People should be free to choose their identity, as
they should be free to make other kinds of choices, albeit tempering
that choice by an equal commitment to the freedom of others in
a spirit of tolerance. This has often not been the case in Northern
Ireland, where, due to high levels of residential segregation
(The Northern Ireland Housing Executive reports that more than
70% of public housing estates are more than 90% Protestant or
90% Catholic) people are pigeon-holed into "Protestant"
or "Catholic" areas or, worse, "Loyalist"
or "Nationalist" as where they choose (or are forced)
to live can be deemed to signify all other major details about
them. This choice is often not a free one but is determined by
issues of safety and lack of mixed housing availability. Within
a community, sectarian pressure exerted by paramilitary organisations
makes dissention from a fixed, determined identity a dangerous
choice.
2. ISSUES IN
NORTHERN IRELAND
2.1 As Northern Ireland can testify, a culture
of blame appears to make community cohesion difficult, if not
impossible, to achieve. Local and national political leadership
is a very important element in developing a shared vision that
can translate into a shared and peaceful society. If politics
is presented as a "zero-sum game"— if their side
wins, our side loses— then the scenario of a diverse and
tolerant environment in which everyone wins becomes unachievable.
There needs not only to be voices speaking out in favour of intercultural
dialogue and living, but also there needs to be a picture painted
in the public mind of how this will be. In the absence of such
a vision, it becomes all too easy to paint the pictures of resentment,
unfair shares and claim and counter-claim by those who would exploit
division and difference. In Northern Ireland there is no consensus
on cultural pluralism or what a shared society would look like.
The latest Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey data show that
numbers of people believing that relationships between Protestants
and Catholics are better now than five years ago have fallen from
almost 60% in 1995 to below 30% in 2001.
2.2 Segregation, in Northern Ireland's case
in housing, education (only 5% of children in Northern Ireland
attend integrated schools) and often in the workplace makes a
cohesive vision very difficult. If one "side" has no
experience of the other, stoking the fires of resentment and threat
becomes easier. This can lead to community competitiveness, which
is as evident in Northern Ireland as it is in the north of England,
as described by the Cantle Report. Encouraging the competing claims
is not the answer, as it allows each community to pursue their
aims in isolation. Rewarding co-operation and incentivising sharing
is a powerful tool at the disposal of government and local authorities.
2.3 Another problem associated with community
leadership has been the question of who speaks for a community.
Often the most extreme voice is the one which is heard and, in
order to preserve the "purity" of a community, there
may be a good deal of "gate keeping", often by paramilitaries,
or those closely connected to them. Confused language about "communities"
means a danger of leaning towards groupism, putting the rights
of a group before the rights of the individual to define themselves
and their aspirations. "Community" in Northern Ireland
may describe not just geographical boundaries but also euphemistically
a sectarian identity.
2.4 Polarisation of communities in Northern
Ireland has led to duplication of many services. Apart from the
separate schools, Northern Ireland has separate health provision
in some areas where it is perceived to be too dangerous for one
community to cross into or through the territory of another. Benchmarking
against an English health authority suggests that North and West
Belfast should require two health facilities to service its population,
rather than the nine it currently has. There is also duplication
of leisure facilities and even separate bus stops in one area
so that Protestants and Catholics do not have to stand together.
Apart from the undesirable schisms which this reinforces, it is
expensive.
2.5 In Northern Ireland, and in Belfast
particularly, there has been a tendency to concentrate on interface
violence and "fire fighting" when problems occur. Like
the riots in Bradford and Oldham, a spotlight is shone upon an
area when trouble flares up and in our experience when things
calm down the focus usually moves away again. Apart from undermining
the work that needs to go on on a day-to-day basis over a long
period of time to counter the problems in these areas, this reinforces
the message that this is a problem about interfaces and not one
about deeply held prejudices that affects everyone in Northern
Ireland. It is more comfortable to imagine that problems are confined
to the areas where they are violently manifested, whereas this
is usually only an extreme expression of a much wider and deeper
societal problem. The greatest problems are often found in communities
which have the fewest resources with which to solve them and the
solutions are also sought there, rather than looking more widely.
NICVA also believes that stabilising and managing the situation
not enough. Unless these wider societal prejudices are tackled,
the problems at interfaces are likely to remain endemic.
2.6 Also on the subject of interfaces, Belfast
proves that high fences do not make good neighbours. The latest
Northern Ireland Office count of peace walls puts their number
at 37. These walls separate communities who live at the intersection
point between a Protestant and a Catholic area. Often space is
highly contested as one community may be dwindling while the other
is desperately in need of housing in that area or a community
may have moved from being mixed to being predominantly Catholic
or Protestant. Housing is thus, and for decades has been, a contentious
issue. Charges of social engineering may be levelled at those
who advocate creating and sustaining mixed areas, but we already
live in a society which has been engineered at the point of a
gun and the damage needs to be undone.
2.7 Research has shown that children as
young as three recognise sectarian symbols and language, showing
a preference for cultural symbols such as flags. Children develop
a limited set of preferences when they live in highly segregated
areas. April 2001 census figures show that 97% of pupils in Catholic
nursery schools and reception classes are Catholic and 67% in
Protestant are Protestant and other. From pre-school through to
primary, post-primary and on to the youth service, NICVA believes
that young people must be given the opportunity to mix and to
learn about other traditions and cultures. A new citizenship element
has been proposed as part of the Northern Ireland secondary school
curriculum and this could have a crucial role to play. Teachers
also need to be properly trained and supported to deliver an education
which is appropriate for a shared, intercultural society.
2.8 Interdependence in Northern Ireland
has suffered through emphasis on equality and diversity. While
equality and diversity are extremely important, there is a need
to be careful not to value all things equally in a cultural or
traditional framework, since some practices may be destructive
to shared civic norms. There has been a policy in Northern Ireland
of according equal respect to various cultural traditions, but
some traditions, such as certain marches or burning an effigy
of the pope on 11 July are clearly not in the best interests of
a shared, peaceful and cohesive society. What Northern Ireland
needs is interculturalism where differing cultures interact peacefully
together in a framework of dialogue and tolerance, not just a
pluralist coexistence. Northern Ireland has taken a legislative
route, with Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act stating:
"(1) A public authority shall in
carrying out its functions relating to Northern Ireland have due
regard to the need to promote equality of opportunity:
(a) between persons of different religious
belief, political opinion, racial group, age, marital status or
sexual orientation;
(b) between men and women generally;
(c) between persons with a disability
and persons without; and
(d) between persons with dependants and
persons without.
(2) Without prejudice to its obligations
under subsection (1), a public authority shall in carrying out
its functions relating to Northern Ireland have regard to the
desirability of promoting good relations between persons of different
religious belief, political opinion or racial group. "
2.9 While this legislation has made a major
impact on how public authorities relate to and consult various
communities and interest groups, NICVA believes that the route
of legislative compliance alone will not deliver social cohesion.
There also needs to be education and work on relationships within
society if hearts and minds, and not just behaviour, are to be
changed.
2.10 While this submission is concentrating
largely on relationships between Catholics and Protestants, there
are many other social cohesion problems facing Northern Ireland.
Racial prejudice has been estimated as being twice as significant
as sectarian prejudice, for example. Between January 1996 and
December 1999 there was an increase of over 400% in the number
of recorded racist attacks. The annual total is continuing to
rise and showed an increase of 45% between 1999 and 2000, from
186 to 269 incidents. There are also cohesion problems relating
to age and income, among others. NICVA believes that tackling
poverty is one major way to begin to address social cohesion.
2.11 The media often plays a role in framing
situations in Northern Ireland, since the words they use can deem
a behaviour acceptable or unacceptable, indeed the stories they
choose to cover can shape perceptions. NICVA considers that the
media have an important role to play in reflecting societal values
and responsible reporting can be constructive in building a more
cohesive society.
3. POTENTIAL
FOR CONTRIBUTION
TO COHESION
BY THE
VOLUNTARY AND
COMMUNITY SECTOR
3.1 There are around 5,000 voluntary and
community organisations in Northern Ireland, which is a high number
for a population of around 1.7 million. It would seem we have
a great deal of what social scientists would refer to as bonding
social capital in Northern Ireland whereby communities develop
strong networks within themselves, and not so much of the bridging
capital which reaches out to other communities.
3.2 The voluntary sector over the past 30
or 35 years has played many roles in trying to build a more cohesive
society. It is also possible that in some ways, by working with
communities in isolation, it has reinforced separation and added
to division. In a recent NICVA research interview one community
worker told us: "Protestant groups at the end of the town
tend to go 10 miles into Armagh to use the facilities provided
by Armagh Confederation of Voluntary Organisations rather than
use the resources provided 500 yards up the road [by a Catholic
group] ". We also heard: "Protestant and Catholic
community groups aren't competing for funding as they want to
do something different in their areas". This would suggest
that communities see themselves as being so different to their
neighbours that they are not even experiencing the same needs,
when in fact much the same work is going on in both communities.
There is a danger of reinforcing the provision of Protestant community
groups for Protestant communities and Catholic community groups
for Catholic communities— and entirely separate community
groups for ethnic minorities. Where security and the ability to
gain access to work in a community are real issues, the difficulty
of reaching across the divide should not be underestimated.
3.3 On the whole the voluntary and community
sector can play a very positive role in bolstering community cohesion.
It can provide neutral venues and act as an honest broker when
tensions are high. In one very successful project the Community
Development Centre in North Belfast organised a scheme to put
community leaders in constant contact across the divide. This
was based on a mobile phone network recognising that good communications
could help stop street violence escalating. CDC identified key
groups from its existing networks and contacts who were prepared
to participate in the phone network. Each phone holder was given
the numbers of all the other phones in the network as well as
contact numbers of key people in the statutory sector. The phone
holders agreed to keep the phones switched on 24 hours a day,
seven days a week throughout the marching season, from mid-June
to late August. They agreed to contact other members of the network
in response to rumours or concerns, to crowds gathering or minor
incidents, and to respond to all such calls coming to them. Work
like this de-escalated violence and demonstrated what local activists
could achieve. Many of the riots began with young children throwing
stones at each other because they had nothing better to do, there
were no amenities, hence the development of the term "recreational
rioting". This in turn escalated as older youths and adults
joined the fray and the stakes were raised as petrol and blast
bombs were used and supplemented on occasion with small arms fire.
The groups worked closely with statutory organisations but ironically
found it difficult to get reasonable financial support for this
scheme.
3.4 Other work is more behind the scenes.
NICVA, on occasion has been asked to mediate or to make approaches
to certain organisations when community workers have been under
death threats from paramilitary organisations. In the past a dual
approach has sometimes been taken with behind-the scenes discussion
being accompanied by mobilisation of public protests against those
who issue threats to workers in communities. Voluntary and community
organisations are also involved in community restorative justice
initiatives, work on the reintegration of prisoners, work with
local communities on contentious parades and vital work with women
and young people in areas where deprivation is worst and violence
is endemic. This work involves building trust, often over a relatively
long period of time, and providing activities which offer an alternative
to rioting or anti-social behaviour.
3.5 In addition voluntary and community
groups can help manage change. Communities need a sense that something
is changing, that something is getting better before they will
throw their weight behind new initiatives or more fundamental
shifts in society. Voluntary and community organisations can help
to demonstrate and achieve small changes when larger scale government-led
change is slower and less easy to perceive. Real benefits such
as childcare for women who want to work, after school clubs or
training for the unemployed can demonstrate that change is possible
and can help to alter the outlook of a community.
3.6 It is clear that young people have the
potential to be either the greatest agents for change within a
community or the greatest threat. The work of voluntary and community
organisations can help capture the energy and enthusiasm of young
people and make them drivers of change. Vital pre-school and after
school programmes and family centres have a role to play as do
parenting programmes, which should elements of cultural diversity
and values of tolerance, since it is difficult for children to
mix if parents are not also encouraged.
3.7 As the Cantle Report points out in an
English context, voluntary and community sector organisations
may represent one of the few remaining arenas for experiencing
"the other" in areas where schools, housing and workplaces
are segregated.
4. ROLE OF
GOVERNMENT AND
LOCAL AUTHORITIES
4.1 Given all the above areas in which voluntary
and community organisations can impact positively upon community
cohesion, it is a common problem that cross cutting work runs
up against separate statutory agencies and their funding regimes.
Work which deals with cohesion issues will not be neatly confined
to one budget or another and ways need to be found of funding
it creatively. Furthermore, we do not always know the answers
to what will work. This work is some of the most difficult and
challenging work in communities and there needs to an element
of creativity and risk taking. Not every idea will work. Pilot
projects and new ideas should be supported and tried. We also
need to examine what works—what is it about communities
which do appear to exhibit high levels of cohesion that makes
them successful?
4.2 How funding is distributed can clearly
play a role in building cohesion. There needs to be a strategic
approach to reduce competition and sharing needs to be incentivised
to encourage different communities to co-operate. A focus on co-ordinating
short-term initiatives rewards some communities and not others,
and may distract focus from long-term, more structural work
4.3 As stated above, NICVA believes that
one element of addressing cohesion is by addressing poverty. Ironically,
some of the poorest communities can look like some of the most
cohesive, as they rely on internal networks to get by, while some
more affluent communities are settled and peaceful, but display
little cohesion as neighbours disappear behind their gates every
night and drive off in their cars every morning. The UK has one
of the largest gaps between rich and poor in the developed world.
Greece, Italy, Ireland, the US and the UK have the highest levels
of income inequality with a Gini Coefficient at or around 0.35
(where a figure of 0 represents zero inequality). This indicates
major income inequality. By contrast Denmark recorded (in 1993)
a level of 0.22 with the Netherlands at 0.27. Recent research
in Northern Ireland (Bare Necessities) has shown that,
using a method of consensual poverty, well over a quarter (29.6%)
of Northern Ireland's households were poor in 2002-03.
4.4 In terms of criminal justice, NICVA
has called for enhanced sentencing possibilities and new race
and sectarian hate crime measures in Northern Ireland. There needs
to be a clear message sent from central government about what
is not to be tolerated in our society and sentencing provides
one way of doing this.
4.5 All public bodies should also adopt
proactive strategies for good relations and a robust zero tolerance
for sectarianism and racism. It is important to realise that this
should cut across all parts of an organisation as there is a need
for policy action and responsibility in all departments to take
account of education, planning, transport, health, etc.
4.6 Other actors such as the private sector,
trade unions and sporting bodies can play a constructive role
in building cohesion. The role of sport in particular in Northern
Ireland has been very divisive and efforts are now being made
to reverse this trend.
4.7 Most of all the onus must be on government
and public authorities to facilitate shared communities, since
change cannot always easily be brought about by people whose circumstances
constrain their choices. NICVA would particularly stress housing
as being essential in this area. Most mixed areas are currently
middle class and therefore out of the price range of many families.
Government should strive to create mixed communities with affordable
housing and mixed tenure. Pull factors could be introduced to
encourage sharing, such as lower rents or some kind of local community
charter where tenants agree to respect and show tolerance for
each other. A non-threatening environment should be ensured by
tackling flags and symbols which may be offensive to other communities
and can serve as territorial markers.
4.8 Finally, as another NICVA research respondent
noted: "Throwing more money at the situation isn't going
to solve the problems. It is a matter of building up trust and
making both communities aware of what each other is doing and
highlighting areas in which they can work together".
| 
