Select Committee on Office of the Deputy Prime Minister: Housing, Planning, Local Government and the Regions Written Evidence


Memorandum by the Campaign for the English Regions (CFER) (DRA 02)

  I write on behalf of the Campaign for the English Regions (CFER), the independent all-party body which has been calling for English devolution since before the creation of the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly. We represent a broad coalition of activists and interests motivated by a belief that the economic, social and cultural needs of the English Regions cannot be fully addressed by purely London-centred government.

  CFER is the national organisation within which all the mainstream regional devolution campaigns co-operate. These include constitutional conventions for the South West and the West Midlands as well as the North East, Yorkshire and Humberside and North West YES Campaigns. We have been a critical friend of the Government's moves to introduce English devolution and recently published Regions That Work, a prospectus for fully empowered English regional government.

  CFER is pleased that you have moved quickly to look at the Draft Bill which was published by the Government on 22 July. We have welcomed the Bill, which will inform debate about the issues, particularly in the run up to the referendum in the North East and hopefully in other regions in the not too distant future.

  Many of the arguments we have been campaigning on over the last few years have been taken on board, but there is still much to do. There needs to be greater clarity in the roles of central, regional and local government. We also hope that in considering the Bill your committee will take into account experience now available from Wales, Scotland and London.

  In addition to submitting written evidence I hope it would be possible for CFER to engage with the Committee at one of the hearings you have scheduled for September.

  All in CFER are disappointed that the Government has postponed referendums in the North West and Yorkshire and Humberside. We have come a long way: short-term electoral jitters should not be allowed to undermine the legislative building blocks necessary to the creation of devolved democratically accountable regional government. Addressing the real needs of people in our regions depends upon progress towards English devolution. We must not lose our nerve now. There is and will be opposition from those interested in maintaining the centralist status quo. We must all resist this.

  We believe the Committee's Inquiry can make a major contribution to the continuing process of democratic devolution. We would be grateful for the opportunity to present verbal evidence in support of the devolution process.

Councillor Philip Davis

Chair

1.  INTRODUCTION

  The Campaign for the English Regions is the first and only national organisation campaigning for devolution to the regions of England. We link all the regional constitutional conventions and "yes" campaigns. We believe in a strong voice and a fair deal for the regions of England. As leading advocates for effective regional assemblies, we encourage the Select Committee to support the case for strong and clear-cut powers to contribute to the success of directly elected regional assemblies.

  We very much welcome the publication of the Draft Regional Assemblies Bill. This is a major step forward in the modernisation of the British constitution. The creation of new democratic assemblies for the English regions will help provide the voice and the capacity to tackle longstanding problems. We strongly support the proposals set out in the Draft Bill. Our comments here are intended to add some strength to the proposed Bill, and contribute to the success of the Government's aims in promoting devolution to the nations and regions of Britain.

  In summary, we would hope to see added to the Draft Regional Assemblies Bill:

    —  Stronger powers, clearly devolved, over learning and skills, transport, and cultural activities.

    —  Financial powers to include allocation of lottery grants.

    —  Greater flexibility in the size of regional assemblies.

    —  Rights of decision-making in the hands of elected members only.

    —  Stronger definition of the rights of citizens to be consulted.

  These points are explained in greater detail below.

2.  FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES FOR REGIONAL GOVERNMENT

  We believe that a framework of overall principles should shape decisions about the powers, finance, and democratic structure of regional government. The principles we support for regional government are:

    —  Regional government needs to bring government closer to the people, and help engage them in finding solutions to problems; it should provide new opportunities for consultation and participation.

    —  It should bring an enhancement of democracy, with direct democratic control over services and decisions at a regional level. Accountable elected representatives will have a greater incentive to respond to the region's needs.

    —  Regional government needs the capacity to tackle problems in the areas it is intended regional government will address, such as economic inequalities, spatial imbalance, and sustainability.

    —  Regional government needs to democratise, decentralise and integrate the current public sector provision by government departments, quangos, agencies, and privatised industries. It should create simpler structures that are clearer to the public.

    —  Regional government should contribute a modern constitution based on increased decentralisation. Regional government should provide greater autonomy for the region, alongside a strengthened tier of local government, both primarily accountable to their citizens. Regional government should take powers from the centre, not from local government.

  Our specific comments are based on the development of these principles.

3.  POWERS OF REGIONAL GOVERNMENT

  CFER's detailed views on the initial powers directly elected English regional assemblies should have are set out in: Regions that Work: A contribution to the debate on the powers of English regional government, published in March 2004, jointly with the Local Government Information Unit. This publication is enclosed and further copies are available to the Select Committee, as is a checklist comparing its proposals with the draft Bill. Our main emphasis was on: transport, skills, business support and economic development, and rural development, as well as supporting the proposals of Your Region, Your Choice.

  Whilst we welcome the proposals set out in the draft Bill, we believe the powers of assemblies need to be strengthened, for the reasons set out in Regions That Work.

  It is vital that directly elected regional assemblies start with a coherent package of powers. The range of powers need to help communicate to the man or woman in the street the role that regional assemblies could play.

  We welcome the proposals for:

    —  The broad general purposes and powers to promote economic, social development, and improvement and protection of the environment, and of biodiversity, and the general duties to promote equal opportunities, and public health.

    —  The assembly scheme, and the Regional Spatial Strategy, providing a clear regional direction, within which other policies and budgets will fit.

    —  Assembly control for the Regional Development Agency (RDA), and the increased scope for RDAs developing through delegation of Business Links, the proposals of the Rural Strategy 2004, the role in tourism, and the expanded budgets.

    —  For the assembly to take over the regional role in EU structural Funds.

    —  Proposals for the Regional Cultural Consortium to be accountable to the assembly.

    —  The clear strategic role in housing, linked to the Regional Spatial Strategy, including allocation of funding to housing providers.

4.  ADDITIONAL POWERS FOR THE ASSEMBLY

  A strengthened set of powers will contribute to the effectiveness of the new assemblies in tackling the specific challenges the regions face. We believe it is particularly important for the following to be added to the proposed powers:

  Learning and Skills: No regional economic strategy can succeed which does not tackle the serious differences in qualifications held by adults in the more disadvantaged regions. The current structure for skills provision takes too little account of these regionals differences and is too tied to Whitehall priorities. We believe regional government needs:

    —  to determine regional skills strategies and control the adult learning budget;

    —  to allocate skills funding to more local delivery organisations; and

    —  to run the Connexions Service.

  The progress with Frameworks for Regional Employment and Skills Action and LSC Regional Directors show that the need for a regional dimension is being recognised by government. However, the proposals of the Bill and related Policy Statement create a confused pattern of local, regional and national accountability, which will not support implementation of a clear strategy which meets the region's economic needs. If the Government will not transfer the function to the assembly completely at this stage, we propose that the adult skills budget for the region should be calculated and delegated to the regional assembly for a pilot period. For this period it would remain a ring-fenced budget. The assembly would approve a regional skills strategy, consulting with the LSC and others. The assembly would agree targets and a performance framework with the national LSC. This would give clearer regional responsibility than the proposed arrangements, and a clear regional direction to the skills strategy.

  Transport: at present, the government's proposals would require the regional assembly to develop a strategy as part of the Regional Spatial Strategy, but would give it almost no powers over relevant budgets and implementation. The two most important bodies, the Highways Agency and (currently) the Strategic Rail Authority, remain completely detached from the regional assembly. We believe regional government needs:

    —  to have transport planning powers, including public transport, roads and parking;

    —  the power to establish a regional transport authority which would work with sub-regional transport executives;

    —  a major role in rail services and investment;

    —  to have responsibility for major roads including motorways;

    —  to allocate transport budgets, including rural transport, and have charging, taxation and borrowing powers to enable improved investment in transport.

  Improved transport has been recognised by RDAs and by business leaders generally as essential to regional economic success. It is vital to enable people to access new job and training opportunities supported by the assembly. The assembly must have the scope to direct transport investment alongside land use and economic development.

  In relation to roads and traffic, the assembly should be given comparable control over roads to that devolved in Scotland, Wales and Greater London. The present arrangements would mean the assembly's transport strategy relying for implementation on national decisions by the Department of Transport and the Highways Agency. This is not logical, accountable, or efficient. It is vital that road budgets are transferred, alongside implementation capacity. Almost none of this work is genuinely national in character. The DEFRA rural transport budget should also move to the regional assemblies. The Future of Rail makes some proposals which would give scope for investment in rail schemes, but without transfer of relevant budgets, this would not have a major impact on transport needs.

  Regional government also needs transport powers which supports its duty to protect the environment, and shift to more environmentally friendly (and often economical) forms of transport.

  Current decision-making on transport is too dominated by criteria which are important in London and the South-East, in particular congestion, rather than wider social and environmental purposes. Investment decisions are skewed. Decisions vital for regeneration, such as the extension of the Manchester Metro, are taken in London, to the detriment of the region.

  The Bill should be amended to give flexible powers to establish a regional transport executive, or to work with existing PTEs, according to local circumstances, to have stronger regulatory powers in relation to public transport, and to take control over major roads.

  Cultural services: Recent years have seen many successful cultural and sporting developments in the English regions, such as the BALTIC and Sage centres in Gateshead, the Lowry Centre in Salford, the Commonwealth Games in Manchester, and the successful Capital of Culture proposals in Liverpool. Much has been gained from the successful links between economic regeneration and cultural developments. For this reason, we regret that the government has backed away from the proposals in Your Region, Your Choice, to give assemblies the regional budgets for arts and sports, and a role in heritage and conservation. This could have formed an effective base for work with local government, and with local and regional cultural organisations, developing regional identity and wider participation. Although a strategic role in tourism has been given to the RDAs, this should be developed further, giving responsibility for all regional tourist board activities. We urge the transfer to the regional assembly of all these budgets and powers.

5.  FINANCE AND THE REGIONAL ASSEMBLY

  We welcome the proposal that assembly funding should be based on general rather than ring-fenced grants, the proposals for scope to set a council tax precept, and for powers to borrow to enable essential investment in the region's needs. We believe there are additional central and quango budgets which should be transferred to the assembly. We also emphasise that creating simpler and more co-ordinated structures, and not duplicating between the assembly and the government office for the region, would save money on regional administration. We strongly urge that regional government should have a substantial role in allocating lottery funds, and if this is not included in the Bill, it should be strongly recommended to the lottery review.

6.  CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR DEMOCRATIC REGIONS

  Size of assembly: The Draft Bill would limit the size of the assembly to between 25 and 35. We believe this is too inflexible, and in particular would give very limited representation to rural areas. This proposal can be compared with the National Assembly for Wales (NAW), which has 60 (full-time) members, with Wales having a smaller population than all but one of the English regions. The recent report of the Richard Commission on the future of the NAW describes the current size of the assembly as stretched to deal with its current roles, and recommends an enlargement to 80, if the NAW powers were to be extended. Analysis of the Greater London Assembly has also pointed to the problems of scrutiny when many assembly members are appointed to boards of bodies under scrutiny.

  We believe the legislation should allow assemblies to be bigger than 35, particularly in larger regions. The representative role of Assembly Members is closely linked to the development of consultation and involvement of citizens and stakeholders, who will want opportunities for dialogue with elected members. There must also be members to carry out policy development, scrutiny, and membership of some functional bodies and other boards (for example of housing associations, advisory bodies, quangos, or funded community enterprises).

  Scrutiny arrangements: the Bill sets out arrangements for scrutiny which would enable co-opted persons to have the same rights to vote as elected members. Although it is valuable to have wide engagement with scrutiny, this can be achieved by inviting evidence, hearing witnesses, and appointing advisers, and by non-voting co-option. We believe there are certain decision-making which should be in the hands of democratically accountable members. If co-opted people are to have equal voting rights, then as a minimum there should be the same requirements to make a declaration of financial interest as well as political affiliation.

  Political balance and scrutiny: The Bill also sets out a requirement for the Review and Monitoring Committee to include all members who are not members of the executive (the executive can vary in size from three to seven). The political balance of this non-executive group must then be followed in all scrutiny bodies. We do not support this proposal. The scrutiny arrangements should reflect the political balance and mandate of the assembly as a whole, as is normal in other elected bodies, including parliament. The proportional voting system will ensure there is unlikely to be heavy dominance by one political party.

  Scrutiny, regional issues and quangos: More should be done to bring functions currently provided by quangos and agencies within the scope of the regional assembly. There remain many appointed bodies operating at a regional level, which should be reviewed to identify which should become part of the assembly. An immediate step to enhance accountability would be to strengthen the scrutiny powers of the assembly to investigate any matter of importance to the region (in line with local government and Greater London Authority overview and scrutiny powers). This should also include rights to receive evidence and participation in scrutiny from public bodies in the region.

  Consultation: The Draft Bill provides more detail on how specific stakeholder groups or "assembly participants" such as businesses, employees and community and voluntary organisations can be involved in dialogue with the assembly. We support the proposals in the Bill to ensure consultation with stakeholders. This should help build on positive working relationships created by current regional chambers. We also believe the legislation should allow flexibility and evolution of consultation arrangements, rather than dictate too much detail.

  However, we believe that the legislation should also say something about the rights of citizens in general to consultation and involvement, as well as particular stakeholders. This could include a duty to publish a consultation scheme (perhaps updated annually, although obviously shorter term projects would arise) which set out arrangements to access information, attend meetings, be consulted on important developments, and rights of complaint and redress. A duty to report on this could be added to the annual report.

  Local and regional government: it is important that regional government develop a partnership with local government. The National Assembly for Wales (NAW) has a legal duty to work in partnership with local government, and to report annually on this, providing a focus for the overall relationship to be reviewed. The NAW has also established a partnership council with local government, and a similar requirement should be considered for inclusion in this Bill.

  Role of central government: it is vital that regional assemblies, having the double democratic mandate of the referendum to establish them, and their own election, be able to develop their role and priorities independently of central government. We believe a clear division of powers and responsibilities between local, regional/devolved, and national government is an important element of good constitutional design, and supports democratic involvement. We remain concerned that the Bill includes too many powers for the Secretary of State to intervene, set any conditions on funding, set targets, and issue regulations and guidance. This is not in line with devolution to Scotland and Wales, where the accountability to citizens, rather than central government is clearer.





 
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