Memorandum by the West Midlands Constitutional
Convention (WMCC) (DRA 46)
"LONDONOR LOCAL?"
1. KEY POINTS
The West Midlands Constitutional
Convention welcomes the publication of the Draft regional Assemblies
Bill and its early pre-legislative scrutiny by the Committee.
There is a need for a clearer and
more regionally sensitive approach to what are regionally strategic
issues, which can be easily understood and believed by voters.
We need a more balanced approach to moving the devolution agenda
forward in England. At present it is dominated by the views of
the (London) centre and what it is prepared to let go. A better
balance has to be struck between the views of central government
departments and voters in the regions.
Devolution is about moving Government
closer to people and the transfer of functions and resources from
Westminster and Whitehall to the regions and the localities. It
should not be about moving local government away from people.
If Local Government needs to be reorganised
so be it, but the issues involved are not directly connected to
changes in the size or functions of local councils. Regional government
is not about local government reform but about redefining the
central-regional relationship in the context of communities which
are at least as large in size as Scotland or Wales.
Elected Regional Assemblies should
have the flexibility to develop innovative solutions for their
regions. However, developing solutions is only part of the regional
challenge. It is equally about delivery and its close relationship
to the making of strategy at a level which is effective.
The general purposes of Elected Regional
Assemblies focusing on the promotion of sustainable development
and the related powers as set out in Clause 43 of the Bill are
very welcome
Elected Assemblies have a duty to
prepare a scheme, which sets out a long-term vision for their
region and the action it proposes to take to deliver regional
priorities. However they will need the power to "knock heads
together" if necessary.
Elected Regional Assemblies need
to be given a broad right of scrutiny across the whole of domestic
government in the regions
Central Government needs to do more
to explain how its proposals will deliver real policy changes
on a coordinated basis in a way which is understood by voters.
Such arguments are certainly there to be made. In the field of
transport for example the experience of Wales and Scotland has
already demonstrated the added value brought to the management,
promotion and funding of major infrastructure projects in the
context of heavy rail. Meanwhile in the West Midlands region Birmingham
New Street stationa key national railway hubstill
awaits action to bring it into the 21st century.
Greater flexibility is needed about
the size of Elected Regional Assemblies so that they can reflect
more accurately significant regional variations between English
regions in population size and diversity, plus geography and urban/rural
mix.
The creation of an elected Regional
Assembly should not result in an increase or a reduction in democratic
representation. Rather the existing democratic density should
be maintained but with some redistribution to reflect the transfer
of powers from the national to regional level.
Elected Regional Assemblies should
be required to actively engage regional stakeholders in their
work and to prepare and keep up to date in an open and transparent
way a scheme for their involvement. Each Assembly should be allowed
to decide how it meets this requirement building on experience,
which has been developed in each region. Every effort needs to
be made by Parliament. and Government to make it clearer that
the establishment of Elected regional Assemblies will increase,
not decrease opportunities for a wider range of regional stakeholders
to be involved.
Elected Regional Assemblies, assisted
by the political parties, can promote equality of opportunity,
increase participation of under represented groups in the government
of a region and generate a greater sense of public ownership of
regional policies and actions. It is important that voters believe
that an Elected Assembly will offer a new approach to the politics
and the Governance of their region.
Voters must be offered a clear and
simple approach about the functions of an Elected Regional Assembly.
They must be able to see what its functions are relative to Central
and Local Government. The proposed functions of an Elected Assembly
should be supported, but they need to go further particularly
in relation to the devolution of Learning and Skills, Transport
and Cultural Services.
All Government Departments should
justify to the Committee why any of their functions, which they
currently administer regionally or and sub regionally through
executive agencies or Non Departmental Public Bodies should not
be devolved to an Elected Regional Assembly.
The proposed ERA funding powers are
welcome. The funding of Elected Regional Assemblies should be
based on general rather than ring-fenced grants; We welcome the
proposals for scope to set a council tax precept and for powers
to borrow to enable essential investment in the region's needs.
There are additional central and quango budgets, which should
be transferred to Elected Assemblies.
There is a need to create simpler
and more co-ordinated structures, which provide better value for
money and do not duplicate between the assembly and the government
office for the region
Elected Regional Government should
have a substantial role in allocating lottery funds.
2. THE WEST
MIDLANDS REGIONAL
CONTEXT/INTRODUCTION
This Memorandum sets out the comments of the
West Midlands Constitutional Convention on the draft Regional
Assemblies Bill that was published by the Government on the 22
July 2004.
The comments are related to the main sections
and paragraphs of the associated Draft Policy Statement. They
take into account the findings of the Convention drawn from Research
it has commissioned and other work it has undertaken over the
past three years.
WMCC views on the draft Bill build on the evidence
submitted to the Committee by Campaign for the English Regions
(CFER)[63]
[64]
Regional Context: The West Midlands Region has
a population of some 5.3 millions. This is split almost 50/50
between the metropolitan urban core centred upon the regional
capital Birmingham, (which includes the other metropolitan boroughs/cities
of Walsall, Wolverhampton, Solihull, Sandwell, Dudley and Coventry);
with the other 2.5 millions of population in the shire areas (including
unitary sub-regions such as Telford and Stoke on Trent) of Shropshire,
Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire and Herefordshire.
The birthplace of global industry over 250 years
ago, the region remains a major manufacturing centre; it is also
a growing tourist destination and in Birmingham, has a regional
capital fast climbing the ladder of European architectural, business
and leisure destinations. It generally suffers from being less
identifiable to outsiders than say the North West and the North
East (and is thus less politically influential at Westminster),
while its relative closeness to London geographically means that
it tends to lose out to London for investment purposes.
Recent examples of this regional disadvantage
are the decision to site to new National Stadium at Wembley despite
an excellent and much more cost-effective bid led by Birmingham
City Council. The consistent lack of rail investment for New Street
Station can also be contrasted with major rail investment in refurbishing
both Leeds and Manchester Piccadilly stations. Too often the West
Midlands region appears to be "the meat in the North-South
sandwich".
3. BACKGROUND
The West Midlands Constitutional Convention
(2002) Ltd was formed to promote debate and action in favour of
establishing democratic regional Government for the West Midlands
Region. It was predated by an earlier group called Campaign
For A West Midlands Assembly, begun in the late 90s by Labour
and Liberal Democrat supporters.
The Convention is independent and its members,
supporters and directors are drawn from across the West Midlands
Region. Members of all the main political parties and a wide range
of other interests in the region are involved. The Convention
is affiliated to the Campaign for the English Regions (CFER).
WMCC has been funded largely by the Barrow Cadbury charitable
trust, thus guaranteeing its independence of any party or group.
The Convention has over the last three years
worked to raise awareness within and beyond the region about its
undemocratic and fragmented Government and to test public opinion
and attitudes. It has published and is seeking views on its own
proposals about establishing democratic Regional Government for
the West Midlands Region[65]
It has worked with the existing voluntary Regional
Assembly and was instrumental in establishing an independent West
Midlands based academic experts group to produce authoritative
research to inform debate about the regional agenda[66]
Further information about the Convention including
its views on the Government of the West Midlands can be found
on its web site at www.wmccweb.org
4. POLICY OVERVIEW
The future Governance of the West Midlands Region,
must, as the Government states "be part of the overall agenda
for constitutional reform and devolution intended to give the
people of the regions a greater say in the way they are governed
and in the delivery of policies and to ensure that functions are
carried out at the appropriate level"[67]
WMCC has consistently supported the Government's
aim of "strengthening Britain by allowing different parts
of the UK to express their diversity while celebrating the ties
that bind us together" . . . and giving more control over
decisions that affect the regions to the people in the Regions.[68]
[69]
An Elected West Midlands Regional Assembly would
be able to make a real difference to the lives of people throughout
the region on key strategic issues[70]
There is a need for a clearer and more regionally sensitive approach
to what are regionally strategic issues, which can be easily understood
and accepted by voters.
What may be appropriate in the North East may
not be appropriate in the North West or the West Midlands. Recent
Focus Group research for the West Midlands indicates that voters,
particularly women, include health and education issues as regionally
strategic issues, but the Government does not.
Also since the Publication of the White Paper,
Your Region, Your Choice the Government has added Regional
Fire and rescue Services to the portfolio of responsibilities
of an elected Regional Assembly despite arguing originally that
it was "not the business of devolving responsibility for
services" It may not be insignificant that Fire and Rescue
services are the responsibility of ODPM. No other services as
such have as yet been added to the responsibilities of Elected
Regional Assemblies.
We need a less piecemeal approach to moving
the devolution agenda forward in England. At present it is dominated
by the views of the London centre and what it is prepared to let
go. A better balance has to be struck between the views of central
government departments and voters in the regions.
Recent research shows that there is a real reluctance
within departments to embrace devolution let alone regional working
for England[71].
This is a challenge that Whitehall did not have to face with devolution
to Scotland or Wales.
5. THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF ELECTED
REGIONAL ASSEMBLIES
The Convention does not support the Government's
view that the reorganisation of Local Government should be a prerequisite
for establishing Elected Regional Government in England.
Devolution is about moving Government closer
to people and the transfer of functions and resources from the
Westminster and Whitehall to the regions and the local. It should
not be about moving local Government away from people.
If local Government needs to be reorganised
so be it, but the changes involved are not a necessary objective
condition for the introduction of ERAs. While some shift in local
responsibilities between regional bodies and local councils may
be necessary (eg on major strategic issues such as spatial planning),
ERAs are not about local government but about redefining the relationship
between over-centralised London government and English regionslike
the West Midlandswhich are larger than some member states
of the EU.
The transfer of Central Government functions
and Powers to the region and locality should however have direct
implications for the scale and organisation of Central Government.
The Convention welcomes the Government commitment
to referendums being held in other regions in the future[72]
However it hopes the Committee will strengthen the Governments
resolve to follow through on the commitment and is not overly
influenced by views from the centre or of established local and
regional institutions with a vested interest in their own survival.
The views of the public need to be tested. Focus
Group research in the West Midlands at the time of the Soundings
carried out by ODPM about the establishment of Elected Regional
Assemblies early in 2003 indicated support for a Referendum in
the West Midlands and muted interest from the existing appointed
Regional Chamber. Again a better balance is needed.
WMCC remains committed to a referendum sometime
in 2006-07 on the establishment of a directly Elected West Midlands
Regional Assembly. Opinion polling has consistently shown public
support in the West Midlands for shifting powers from London to
an elected region wide body in the region.
6. PURPOSES AND
POWERS OF
ELECTED REGIONAL
ASSEMBLIES
We welcome the Governments view that Elected
Assemblies should have the flexibility to develop innovative solutions
for their regions. However developing solutions is only part of
the regional challenge. It is also about delivery and its close
relationship to the making of Strategy. To deal with them separately
only means that Strategies and Plans are at best only partially
delivered and that delivery is ill informed and lacks strategic
direction and coordination.
The key issue for the West Midlands is delivery.
The West Midlands has probably the longest history of regional
working in England if not the UK[73]
The region has a long history of producing plans and strategies
without the powers, resources and democratic legitimacy to deliver
them. This reflects the identity of a compact region defined by
a metropolitan core surrounded by five shire county areas, with
strong links to the regional centre, Birmingham, going back at
least to the advent of the railways.
In terms of delivering better public services
to the 5.3 million people of the West Midlands region, the Draft
Bill provides a starting Point. However it does not go far enough.
It probably goes as far as ODPM has been allowed by the conservatism
in Whitehall.
The General Purposes of Elected Regional Assemblies
focusing on the promotion of sustainable development and the related
powers as set out in Clause 43 of the Bill are very welcome[74]
However there will be some very significant
limitations in the draft Bill on what assemblies would be able
to actually do in pursuit of their aims. 75 Assemblies would not
normally be able to knock heads together and enforce co-operation
of other bodies or people even if that is what is needed. The
Committee needs to look at this limitation and to compare the
proposals for elected Regional Assemblies in England to the devolved
authorities in Scotland and particularly Wales.
[75]From
a West Midlands perspective, Elected Regional Assemblies need
to be given a broad right of scrutiny across the whole of domestic
government in the regions. The existing voluntary Regional Chambers/Assemblies
have neither the capacity nor the democratic legitimacy to deliver
the level of scrutiny that is badly needed. It has been estimated
that some £14 billion of public monies (excluding defence
expenditure and social security transfers) is spent by Government
in the West Midlands region annually. Only some £6 billion
of that is partially locally accountable via local councils; the
remaining £8 billions is spent by quangos or other bodies
not directly answerable to local people[76]
A West Midlands ERA should have the power to at least monitor
such expenditure and preferably be given a substantial degree
of control over it.
Making scrutiny of services like the NHS more
region-specific would bring scrutiny out of the domain of the
national Press and allow such scrutiny a more constructive role
in British politics as a whole. It would do much to foster the
development of the local and regional media and have a major impact
on the democratic malaise in the whole country[77]
The focus of public service accountability has to shift from London
to the Regions. ERAs can provide a tier of democratic accountability
large enough to be strategic but close enough to localities to
be more sensitive and effective to need.
We accept that Elected Regional Assemblies do
not need to have Primary or Secondary legislative powers; currently
existing legislation provides ample room for manoeuvre. What is
critical is who holds the necessary powers.
7. STRATEGIC
REGIONAL CO
-ORDINATION
The proposal that Elected Assemblies have a
duty to prepare a scheme which sets out a long term vision for
their region and the action it proposes to take to deliver regional
priorities is in part welcome[78]
However it places no onus on key other delivers to comply with
what the assembly proposes or any sanctions to enforce it's policies.
For example it is suggested that an assembly
could set out in it's scheme how it plans to integrate cross-cutting
issues such as public health and equality into specific policy
areas[79]
However apart from Spatial Planning it has no direct powers over
what are likely to be key policy fields of Housing, Education,
Health and Transport. The Committee needs to probe Government
about exactly how this is intended to deliver real policy changes
on a coordinated basis.
If left as it is this approach could leave an
Assembly exposed to criticism for not delivering action it proposes
simply because it has no real power to deliver what is necessary.
Equally others may escape or seek to avoid criticism by blaming
the Elected Regional Assembly.
Voter support for an ERA will depend on voters
believing that It will make a real difference to their lives,
have a clear purpose in relation to Central and Local Government
and involve a real and significant transfer of power and resources
from Westminster and Whitehall to the Region. An ERA has not just
to be a partner with central and Local Government, it has, as
far as Regionally significant issues, to be the lead partner and
central to a new "hub" based approach to regional Governance
(Fig 1).
Fig 1
PROPOSED NEW MODEL OF REGIONAL WORKING IN
THE WEST MIDLANDS REGION
Stakeholder Organisations
| | The Public |
(Business, Trade Unions,
Voluntary, Community,
Faith and other Interests)
| | |
| Directly Elected West Midlands Regional Assembly
| |
Local Government
|
| Central Government |
| |
|
8. DEMOCRATIC ACCOUNTABILITY
The Draft Bill proposes Elected Regional Assemblies with
between 25 and 35 members, largely (but mistakenly in our view)
following the Greater London assembly model. WMCC believes that
this approach does not sufficiently reflect significant regional
variations in regional populations and geography and that a more
flexible approach, which reflects such variations, is needed.
Unlike London the West Midlands Region is not a city-region, but
an urban, rural mix.
Numerically the population of the West Midlands is double
and its area one-and-a-half times the area of the North East.
(Table 1)
Table 1
COMPARISON OF THE AREAS AND POPULATIONS OF THE NORTH EAST
AND WEST MIDLANDS REGIONS
| Area | Population
| |
| (Square Kilometres)
| | |
West Midlands | 13,004 |
5,335,600 | |
North East | 8,592 |
2,581,300 | |
Source: Your Region, Your ChoiceCmnd.5511, and May 2002
| |
If with the smallest population of the English Regions an
elected Regional Assembly for the North East has 25 members it
can be argued that pro rata an Assembly for the West Midlands
should have between one-and-a-half and double the members as the
North east, that is between 37 and 50 members.
The creation of an elected West Midlands Regional Assembly
of 50 members has to be seen in the context of the Region's existing
democratically accountable representatives comprising several
thousand local Councillors, 59 Members of Parliament and seven
Members of the European Parliament. It also has to take into account
the hundreds of anonymous, paid Ministerial appointees who run
the region's plethora of Non-Departmental Public Bodies and Executive
Agencies[80]
The creation of an elected Regional Assembly should not result
in an increase or a reduction in democratic representation. Rather
the existing democratic density should be maintained but with
some redistribution to reflect the transfer of powers from the
national to regional level.
9. STAKEHOLDER INVOLVEMENT
Elected Regional Assemblies should be required "to actively
engage regional stakeholders in their work and to prepare and
keep up to date in an open and transparent way a scheme for their
involvement". The Government is right to propose that each
Assembly be allowed to decide how it meets this requirement, building
on experience which has been developed in each region over recent
years.
Every effort needs to be made by Parliament and Government
to make it clearer that the establishment of Elected Regional
Assemblies will increase, not decrease opportunities for a wider
range of regional stakeholders to be involved.
10. EQUALITY AND
DIVERSITY
An important argument for the establishment of Elected Regional
Assemblies is the contribution they can make to promote equality
of opportunity, increasing the participation of under-represented
groups in the government of the region and a greater sense of
public ownership of regional policies and actions than currently
exists.
There does need to be a requirement on Elected Assemblies
to produce and keep up to date a scheme indicating how it intends
to meet these requirements.
Also relevant in promoting equality will be the size of the
Elected Regional Assembly and the way political parties recruit
and select candidates. It is important that voters believe that
an Assembly will offer a new approach to the politics and the
Governance of their region. In this respect the election of individuals
new to politics with little or no political baggage will be an
important test of the difference an Assembly can make. A larger
Assembly will make possible a greater mix of experienced politicians
and newcomers.
11. FUNCTIONS OF
AN ELECTED
REGIONAL ASSEMBLY
Voters must be offered a clear and simple approach about
the functions of an Elected Regional Assembly. They must be able
to see what are it's functions relative to Central and Local Government
and they must believe that an Assembly can make a difference in
it's own right.
WMCC welcomes the proposals for:
The broad general purposes and powers to promote
economic, social development, and improvement and protection of
the environment, and of biodiversity, and the general duties to
promote equal opportunities, and public health.
The Assembly framework powers (and the Regional
Spatial Strategy), to provide clear regional direction within
which other policies and budgets will fit.
Assembly control of the Regional Development Agency
(RDA), and the increased scope for RDAs developing through delegation
of Business Links; the proposals of the Rural Strategy 2004; the
role in tourism, and the expanded budgets.
The Assembly to take over the regional role in
EU structural funds;
The Regional Cultural Consortium to be accountable
to the assembly.
The clear strategic role in housing, linked to
the Regional Spatial Strategy, including allocation of funding
to housing providers.
WMCC believes the onus should be on all Government Departments
to justify to the Committee why any of their functions, which
they currently administer regionally or and sub-regionally through
executive agencies or Non-Departmental Public Bodies, should not
be devolved in the region or locally and made the responsibility
of an Elected Regional Assembly.
As a minimum the following functions based on those proposed
by CFER[81] need to be
added to those proposed for elected Regional Assemblies.
Learning and skills:
To determine regional skills strategies and control
the adult learning budget;
To allocate skills funding to more local delivery
organisations; and
To run the Connexions Service.
Transport:
To have transport planning powers, including public
transport, roads and parking;
The power to establish a regional transport authority
which would work with sub-regional transport executives;
To have a major role in rail services and investment;
To have responsibility for major roads including
motorways;
To allocate transport budgets, including rural
transport, and have charging, taxation and borrowing powers to
enable improved investment in transport;
To have Transport powers which support its duty
to protect the environment, to shift to more environmentally and
socially friendly (and often economical) forms of transport;
To have the power to establish a Regional Transport
Executive, or to work with existing PTEs, according to local circumstances;
and
To have stronger regulatory powers in relation
to public transport, including the introduction of a region-wide,
more equitable concessionary fares policy, and to take control
over major roads.
Cultural services:
To transfer to Regional Assemblies budgets for
arts and sports.
To provide for Regional Assemblies to have a role
in regional heritage and conservation.
12. FUNDING OF
ELECTED REGIONAL
ASSEMBLIES
We welcome the proposal that assembly funding should be based
on general rather than ring-fenced grants, the proposals for scope
to set a council tax precept, and for powers to borrow to enable
essential investment in the region's needs.
We believe there are additional central and quango budgets,
which should be transferred to the Assembly. We also emphasise
that creating simpler and more co-ordinated structures, and not
duplicating between the Assembly and the government office for
the region, would save money on regional administration.
We strongly urge that regional government should have a substantial
role in allocating lottery funds, and if this is not included
in the Bill, it should be a strong recommendation to the lottery
review.
13. CONCLUSIONSLONDON
OR LOCAL?
WMCC welcomessubject to the caveats and proposed
improvements abovemuch in the Draft Bill. It is a sensible
starting point in the organic development of the process of English
devolution. The Government is to be congratulated on coming this
far in proposing to shift our over-centralised system of Government
away from, what The Scotsman newspaper has called, the
metrovincialism of London and the Westminster village.
If properly developed, the Government's devolution plans have
the capacity to create a new, more meaningful form of localism
with productive regional partnerships providing better local services
in tandem with both local and national government.
With its 5.3 million people at the diverse heart of England,
the West Midlands Region stands ready to do more for itself, its
economy and its people. In an increasingly complex society London
Government needs to concentrate on what it is best suited to doarguably
managing the economy, defending the nation in the wider world
and responding to global social, scientific and political change.
It should set the national framework but increasingly work in
partnership with strategic Elected Regional Assemblies to ensure
service delivery in transport, health, planning and other major
strategic services. London micromanagement of public services
does not work; Scotland and Wales offer alternative and increasingly
successful models of diversity within a national UK framework.
The West Midlands Constitutional Convention believes the
people of the West Midlands should be given the opportunity to
play their part in a new central-regional partnership. The Draft
Bill is a positive beginning but can be strengthened further to
meet both the needs of regions and the nation.
Submitted on behalf of WMCC by
Councillor Philip Davis, Chair, and
Mr George Morran, Director
63
CFER Submission to ODPM Select Committee Enquiry into the Draft
Regional Assemblies Bill: August 2004 Back
64
Regions that Work: A Contribution to the debate on the
Powers of English Regional Government: March 2004 Back
65
Our Region, Our Choice, WMCC, October 2003. Back
66
The West Midlands Governance Action Research Group was established
in 2001. Back
67
Elected Regional Asseblies: Policy Statement-Para 8. Back
68
Preface by the Prime Minster to Draft Regional Assemblies Bill
Policy Statement. Back
69
Foreword by the Deputy Prime Minister to Draft Regional Assemblies
Bill Policy Statement. Back
70
Elected Regional Assemblies: Policy Statement Para 9. Back
71
Sarah Ayres and Graham Pearce, Aston Business School: Central
Government Responses to Governance Change in the English Regions:
Economic and Social Research Council's Devolution and Constitutional
Change Programme: 2003. Back
72
Elected Regional Assemblies: Policy Statement Para 16. Back
73
The Birmingham and West Midlands Overspill Committee was established
in 1955 to find a solution to the Housing Pressures of the West
Midlands Conurbation. Back
74
Elected Regional Assemblies: Policy Statement 19. Back
75
Elected Regional Assemblies: Policy Statement Paras 21-23. Back
76
Sarah Ayres and Graham Pearce: Who Governs the West Midlands?
An Audit of Government Institutions and Structures: West Midlands
Governance Research Group 2002. Back
77
Memorandum from the West Midlands New Economics Group to the ODPM
Select Committee Enquiry into the Draft Regional Assemblies Bill:
August 2004. Back
78
Elected Regional Assemblies: Policy Statement Paras 24, 25. Back
79
Elected Regional Assemblies: Policy Statement Paras 38 and 67. Back
80
Sarah Ayres and Graham Pearce: Who Governs the West Midlands?
An Audit of Government Institutions and Structures: West Midlands
Governance Research Group 2002. Back
81
CFER Evidence to the Committee. Back
|