Memorandum submitted by the Disability
Alliance (CP 18)
— Government research emphasises that
"Ill health and disability are both a cause and a consequence
of income poverty and disadvantage."
— Government statistics indicate that
one in three children living in a household which includes a disabled
adult, and over two in five children living in families with both
disabled adult(s) and disabled child(ren) are poor.
— We are concerned that some children
who live in poverty are not deemed to do so because disability
benefits (theirs or their parents) are counted as income, but
the huge extra costs associated with disability are not taken
into account.
— Until such costs are included in
measurements of poverty, we cannot know how many children live
in poverty.
— Targeted and effective strategies
designed to reduce poverty among families with one or more disabled
child(ren) are currently undermined by a lack of information about
the numbers, location and needs of such children. The Government's
emphasis on employment as the primary (or indeed the only) route
out of poverty may not be relevant for families with disabled
children and/or disabled parents.
— Although the benefit system recognises
that bringing up a severely disabled child costs more than brining
up a child without a disability, benefit income varies because
of: low take up; incorrect benefits assessments; inadequacy of
benefits to cover extra costs.
— A disability benefit take-up campaign
along with a well-funded, welfare advice sector are essential
to ensure that families with disabled children, and disabled parents
receive their full benefit entitlement.
WORK AND
PENSIONS COMMITTEE
"INQUIRY TO
EXAMINE THE
EXTENT OF
CHILD POVERTY
IN THE
UK AND THE
EFFECTIVENESS OF
THE GOVERNMENT'S
STRATEGY TO
ERADICATE IT."
1. INTRODUCTION
Disability Alliance is a national registered
charity whose principal aim is relieving poverty and improving
the living standards of disabled people. Our eventual aim is to
break the link between poverty and disability.
1.1 The Alliance is a membership organisation
with over 400 members which range from small self-help groups
to major national disability charities. We are controlled by disabled
people who form a majority of our Board of Trustees.
1.2 We provide information on social security
benefits to disabled adults and children, their families, carers
and professional advisers; undertake research into the needs of
disabled people—with a particular emphasis on income needs—and
have an extensive programme of training courses aimed at professionals
working in both the statutory and voluntary sectors. We are best
known as the authors of the Disability Rights Handbook,
an annual publication with a print-run of 30,000, but also produce
a wide range of guides to benefits. We have recently produced
Don't Miss Out! A Benefits and services for children with disabilities
or special needs.
1.3 Our policy work is informed by our daily
contact with disabled children and adults and those who provide
services for them. We are currently gathering evidence on the
sort of additional costs families with two or more disabled children
and disabled parents incur. This information provides the basis
of our response to this inquiry.
2. BACKGROUND
INFORMATION
2.1 Disability Alliance warmly welcomes the
Government's strategies to reduce child poverty, and believes
that the basis has been laid for an across-the-board strategy
that encompasses different services.
2.2 However, we are concerned that the needs
of disabled children, and of children with sick or disabled parents,
are not being adequately addressed by the current system. This
is partly due to lack of information about the numbers, location
and needs of such children and partly because the Government's
emphasis on employment as the primary (or indeed the only) route
out of poverty may not be relevant for such families.
2.3 According to Government statistics "the
risk of a child living in a low income household is increased
by the presence of disabled people."[201]
Forty three per cent (over two in five of children) who live in
a household with one or more disabled adults live in poverty (taken
as below 60 per cent median income) and this figure rises to 46
per cent of children living in families with both disabled adult(s)
and disabled child(ren)."[202]
Although Government statistics indicate that "in households
with a disabled child but no disabled adult, the risk of children
being in a low income household was similar to that for children
as a whole"[203]
we believe this is a serious underestimate of the true rate of
poverty among such children because they fail to take into account
the extra living costs associated with disability.
2.4 Disabled children suffer material, educational
and social disadvantages in the short-term which are compounded
by inadequate income, high costs and a bleak long-term prospect
of unemployment.
2.5 Child poverty and adult poverty are inextricably
linked. Disabled children will, in time, become disabled adults.
Many will become disabled parents. Action is clearly needed now
to address the needs of such children and their parents to avoid
perpetuating a cycle of poverty and social exclusion.
2.6 Disability Alliance believes that unless
the Government ensures that all families have an adequate income
whether or not they can work, the perennial link between poor
health and disability, and poverty, deprivation and social exclusion
will not be broken.
3. THE MEASUREMENT
OF CHILD
POVERTY AND
THE GOVERNMENT'S
ANNUAL POVERTY
REPORT OPPORTUNITY
FOR ALL
3.1 Measurement of child poverty
3.1.1 Extra costs
While we accept that relative income has to
be central to any approach to measuring poverty, without incorporating
extra disability costs it does not illuminate the real situation
of disabled children or children living with sick or disabled
parents. Indeed until such research has been undertaken we cannot
know how many disabled children (and indeed their non-disabled
siblings), or children with sick or disabled parents live in poverty.
Disability related costs also need to be monitored over time,
as it is possible that they may rise faster than ordinary costs.
3.1.2 Material deprivation
The DWP has recently acknowledged in its preliminary
findings on measuring child poverty that "a broader and more
tailored approach to necessities might be required for specific
groups such as disabled children, as it has been shown that there
are differences between disabled and non-disabled people's views
of what items are essential." Such discrepancies must inform
any measurement of child poverty.
3.1.3 Social exclusion
The most common definition of poverty applied
to economically advanced societies is exclusion from ordinary
living patterns, customs and activities due to lack of resources
(Townsend, 1979). Disabled people are often excluded from social
and leisure activities and work as a consequence not just of low
income but of discrimination and lack of accessibility.
3.1.4 Disabled children may not be able to participate
in the sort of "free" social activities available to
non-disabled children (such as going to the park, a playground
or a friend's house) and yet their families are often unable to
access and/or finance leisure activities (such as the cinema,
swimming, theme parks etc.) These children are therefore at particular
risk of social exclusion.
3.1.5 Disabled parents may not be able to take
their children on outings or have their friends over, yet lack
of adequate support and low income often render it difficult to
pay somebody to do so on their behalf.
3.2 Opportunity for all
3.2.1 While we welcome the Government's commitment
to monitoring different aspects of poverty and social exclusion,
we feel that the indicators used in Opportunity for all
are too narrow in scope, and we are also concerned that the emphasis
is more on the causes (worklessness) than the outcomes of poverty.
3.2.2 The DWP's 4th annual report Opportunity
for all states that "We believe the opportunity to
work, prosper and save is the key to sharing in rising national
wealth and to a secure retirement" three aspirations
that are, sadly, often denied to disabled parents and families
with disabled children.
3.2.3 Although the Government's policy is based
on "work for those who can, security for those who can't"
in the most recent Opportunity for all, work as the main
route out of poverty remains the primary focus, even in the section
entitled "Support for those unable to work". Comments
like "the benefit system has long been passive, overlooking
people with a disability or long-term illness and ignoring their
needs for work and social inclusion" and "It
is a mistake to think that all people with a disability or long-term
illness are unable to work" hardly engage with or monitor
the shortcomings of a benefit system that condemns many families
who are unable to work to live in poverty.
3.2.4 As we argued in our consultation on measuring
child poverty "the reasons for worklessness are as important
as its incidence. Disabled people often cannot work because of
their disability. Many disabled people would like to work, but
cannot find—or keep—a job because of employer ignorance
or discrimination. The majority of parents of disabled children
would like to work, but cannot find appropriate and flexible childcare.
If `worklessness' as such is taken as an indicator, all it can
do is confirm that lack of work is the cause of poverty."
4. THE EXTENT
OF CHILD
POVERTY IN
THE UK AND
THE CAUSES
OF IT
4.1 Extent of child poverty
4.1.1 We are concerned that a significant
number of children who live in poverty are not deemed to do so
because disability benefits (theirs or their parents) are counted
as income, but the huge extra costs associated with disability
are not taken into account.
4.1.2 Research emanating from the DWP emphasises
that further information about families who experience disability
or ill-health and their children is urgently required. For example,
although the DWP report on Characteristics of large families
did not consider "the health of the family overall"
it recommends that "the health status of partners and
of children needs further exploration." We strongly agree.
4.1.3 Information about children with sick
or disabled parents needs to be improved. In March 2003, Households
Below Average Income (HBAI) revealed that "children
in families containing one or more disabled person are more likely
to live in low-income households than those with no disabled persons".
However, details about their situation are thin in the ground.
It would be helpful if HBAI indicated the number of disabled adults
and/or children in each household and cross-referenced findings
with other groups—such as lone parents, families from ethnic
minority groups, families who have accessed employment, families
who have fallen out of the labour market.
4.1.4 Disabled people
The 2001 Census indicates that there are almost
8.5 million disabled people in England and Wales, or 18% of the
population—an increase from 13.3% in the 1991 census. Approximately
2.6 million disabled people of working age are unemployed and
on benefits, of whom many would like to work.
4.1.5 Children with sick or disabled parents
Recent DWP statistics on children living in
families on key benefits reveal that 649,000 children live in
households where a parent is in receipt of incapacity benefit,
severe disablement allowance or income support with a disability
premium.
4.1.6 Disabled children
Given the proliferation of statistical studies
it is extraordinary that the Government remains reliant upon the
1989 OPCS report which produced a figure of 360,000 disabled children
in GB aged under 16, of whom 170,000 have a severe disability.
Given that 7,000 severely disabled children are born every year,
and the number of children who have "hidden disabilities"
such as autism is increasing, this figure is likely to be significantly
higher. Furthermore, disabled children in families who experience
problems with diagnosis or misdiagnosis and/or do not claim disability
benefits for their children or carer's allowance for themselves
may not have been included. We therefore suggest that there may
be up to half a million children and young people in the UK with
some form of disability or long-term illness who are susceptible
to poverty. Many of these children have non-disabled siblings.
Up-to-date statistics are needed to facilitate targeted action
for this group of children.
4.1.7 Families with two or more disabled
children
Statistics on the number of families with two
or more disabled children are similarly thin on the ground. There
are currently between 17,500 families and 20,000[204]
families with more than one disabled child, of which about 7,500
plus families are caring for two or more severely disabled children.
This means that there are well over 15,000 severely disabled children
living in a family where there is another severely disabled child.
Many have non-disabled siblings. This is an easily identified
group of children who are particularly susceptible to poverty
and would benefit from targeted action.
4.2 Causes of child poverty
4.2.1 Disability and ill-health
Government research constantly highlights the
link between poverty and disability. For example the Family
and Children Survey 2001: Living standards and the children
refers to "the classic link between low income and measures
of poor health" and "the interconnectedness of
low income, poor health and restricted work participation."
It concludes that "Ill health and disability are both
a cause and a consequence of income poverty and disadvantage."
4.3 Low benefit take-up
4.3.1 Recent research[205]
indicates that access to welfare benefits advice in primary health
care settings has a beneficial impact upon an individual's health
and facilitates social inclusion. And yet no clear strategies
have been put in place to ensure that disabled parents and families
with sick or disabled children obtain clear and accessible information
about benefit entitlement.
4.3.2 In our response to the Department of Health's
consultation Healthy Start: Proposals for reform of the Welfare
Food Scheme we argued that "the provision of welfare
advice is as important to the success of the Healthy Start scheme
as are links with health professionals or nutritional experts.
We would strongly urge that the Healthy Start scheme be linked
to the provision of comprehensive welfare advice services within
a primary care setting." Although this proposal was warmly
welcomed by Baroness Massey in a debate in the House of Lords
on 3 February 2003, it has not been taken forward.
4.3.3 Recently published statistics indicate
that the Government's tax credits take-up campaign has been very
successful. The large number of households getting the disabled
child element of child tax credit and the increase in the number
of families benefiting from the disabled worker premia within
working tax credit (WTC) are very welcome. These figures indicate
what can be achieved if political will and resources are made
available to encourage take-up.
4.3.4 We would strongly suggest that the
Government launch a similar campaign to encourage the take-up
of disability benefits. However, although a generalised campaign
is clearly effective, families with disabled children also need
personal support and guidance when applying for disability benefits
such as Disability Living Allowance (DLA) and Carer's Allowance
(CA). A well-funded, welfare advice sector is essential to provide
such support. And yet established and reputable advice services
are closing due to lack of funding. Such closures can only have
a negative impact on child poverty levels.
5. THE IMPACT
OF CHILD
POVERTY ON
CHILDREN AND
FAMILIES—ARE
SPECIFIC GROUPS
PARTICULARLY AFFECTED?
5.1 Disabled people are at particular risk
of poverty because they experience the double jeopardy of high
living expenses and low or zero earnings capacity. While income
in disabled households is 20-30% lower than for non-disabled adults,
day-to-day living brings extra costs that are directly related
to impairment: for example extra heating, laundry and clothing,
or special equipment. Furthermore, disabled people have to pay
for personal support, goods and services, and help with tasks
that non-disabled people can do for themselves
5.2 Extra costs
Research reveals that it costs three times more
to bring up a child with severe disabilities than a child without
a disability. There are no additional costs that are lower for
disabled children than for non-disabled children. Unlike families
with non-disabled children, who spend approximately 60% of their
budget to clothe and feed their child, parents with disabled children
have to spend a substantial proportion of their income on transport
costs. Furthermore, additional expenses often occur suddenly and
randomly (for example when their child falls ill) pushing families
into debt. Families emphasise other costs—such as "being
a disabled family".[206]
5.3 Families with disabled children
Families with disabled children are more likely
to be single parents; less likely to work; more likely to be in
semi-skilled or unskilled manual jobs; more likely to be dependent
on income support; less likely to own their own home than families
with non-disabled children. They are therefore particularly susceptible
to poverty.
5.4 Families with two or more disabled children
Research into the numbers and needs of families
with two or more disabled children indicate that, compared with
families with one disabled child, they are:[207]
— experienced a greater dependence
on benefits;
— have more difficulties accessing
support;
— mothers are more likely to have a
disability themselves;
— fathers are more likely not to be
working because of illness or disability;
— more likely to be lone parents.
5.4.1 Managing simultaneous demands
is rendered infinitely more difficult by unsuitable housing, lack
of transport, restricted opportunities to access leisure facilities,
and the number of different professionals and agencies involved
in family life. The lack of recognition of the particular and
cumulative difficulties faced by families with more than one
disabled child meant that services were often inadequate.
5.4.2 Families feel that having two disabled
children is "more than double" having one disabled
child, but suspect that support systems try to get "two
for the price of one".
5.5 Extra costs
Disability Alliance is currently gathering evidence
of additional expenses from families with two or more disabled
children. These include:
5.5.1 Transport: Families report
that because they need a "people carrier" they have
to pay a larger deposit to Motability. One mother explains she
has to "put so much away every month to have ready when
it's renewed every three years." This saps the family's
day-to-day income.
5.5.2 Special equipment/adaptations:
These include: putting locks on all pieces of kitchen equipment,
windows, doors and garden gates; high garden fences; "stable"
doors on all the bedrooms to prevent the children "escaping"
but allow their mother to check on them; the installation of special
low pressure taps in the bathroom "to avoid it flooding
too quickly"; cctv cameras for night-time epilepsy and
sleepwalking; waterbeds and "special chairs" because
of perpetual bedwetting and nose bleeds. Although one family received
a grant from a charity for a computer (which was a "God-send"),
they still had to buy a sloping board, computer table and chair
for use at home, £14 a year insurance and £20 a month
to get 24 hour BT internet access. "It's impossible to
go to the library . .".
5.5.3 Hospital appointments: "Because
I have three children with disabilities, they've all got different
appointment times, so when I take one child in I have to pay someone
to look after my other children . . . they make no allowances
for that, none whatsoever . . . With six monthly reviews I sometimes
have four or five appointments in a very short space. That does
hammer you."
5.5.4 Hospital admissions: "Everything
costs more with hospital admissions" particularly when
the child stays in for a protracted period, and the mother stays
with them. Transport back and forwards to see the other children,
financing additional caring and domestic support, parking, toiletries,
pyjama's, food for the parent staying with the child—the
list is endless and "The hospital provides nothing."
One family with five children have recently flown a parent over
from India to help out with while the mother stayed with her older
son during a four week hospital stay. "I don't know what
I'm going to do . . . my other son has to go into hospital for
the same operation in six months." She recently told
us that "We're falling further and further into debt .
. ."
5.5.5 Heating and laundry: One mother
comments "After (my son's) operation he had to stay downstairs,
and it was freezing. The door's always open and we don't have
carpets and it's impossible to keep it warm . . . "Another
mother with three disabled children and disabled husband comments
"the washing machine is on at least five times a day and
that's on a good day!"
5.5.6 Replacement of furniture, clothing
and household equipment: One mother explains that "With
three wheelchairs in the house, things get bashed and broken."
They "crash against doors and furniture and scrape the paintwork."
Another reports that her autistic sons are very destructive and
things constantly need replacing—including clothes.
5.5.7 Clothing. Special clothing is usually
required, which needs to be of high quality and yet replaced regularly.
Two of the families bought special shoes from a firm in Sheffield
that cost £142. ("I need two pairs for both the girls
every year.")
5.5.8 Food: special diets are sometimes
needed, food often gets wasted.
5.5.9 Play, toys, leisure: Toys have
to be "chunky, safe and usable." Families can't
make do with cheap options. "I've got about 400 videos
because they can't go the pictures." Although computers
and televisions are viewed as essential, one mother comments that
her perpetually housebound children "get bored very easily,
but they need more than the television and the computer".
She and her husband are often too exhausted to entertain them.
The mothers feel that the children are "harder to occupy
as they get older". They "can't go swimming,
or clubbing, to the park . . ." Sharing seems to be more
difficult to organise with two disabled children. "Because
they can't get out, the girls are very jealous of their space
and things . . . anyway, they like different things."
One family had to buy an extra television for their eldest, non-disabled
child because their two autistic sons repeatedly watch the same
video.
5.5.10 Holidays: "Oh forget it,
forget it! We don't go on holidays, we go on military manoeuvres."[208]
5.6 Inadequate income
Although the benefit system recognises that
bringing up a severely disabled child costs more than bringing
up a child without a disability, benefit income varies considerably
for three reasons:
5.6.1 Low take up: Although take up of Disability
Living Allowance (DLA) is known to be low (between 40% and 60%)
it is not known what percentage of disabled children are failing
to receive their DLA entitlement. However, given the high number
of families who have never received benefit advice, it is likely
to high. ("To begin with we didn't know anything—it's
only through friends that I found out about DLA: no-one tells
you anything."[209])
Even when families do find out what support is available, the
system may be too complex, the rewards too meagre and the eligibility
too limiting to justify the effort. Furthermore families may think
"everybody has to care for their children" and
so do not apply for carer's allowance, or may feel "my
child isn't disabled" so they don't apply for DLA.
5.6.2 Incorrect benefit assessments: Many
parents of disabled children do not receive the maximum amount
of benefit because of lack of information and support. However,
they may not have the time, energy or expertise to challenge decisions
that may well be incorrect. Families in our survey who do get
DLA comment on discrepancies within the system. One family with
two autistic boys received the middle rate for her older son and
the higher rate for her second son, even though he had lesser
needs. "But I'm not going to complain . . . a review might
reduce both their rates."
5.6.3 Families in our survey also tell us
that they are often turned down by the Social Fund, but an endless
round of hospital admissions and appointments prevents them appealing
within the time limit. Many families are therefore forced to turn
to the Family Fund, or voluntary sector organisations for support.
"I'm sick to death of having to beg voluntary sector organisations
for money we should get as a matter of right from the state."[210]
5.6.4 Inadequacy of benefits to cover extra
costs: Even when families do receive the maximum benefit
income, they often find that it falls well short of the minimum
budget needed to care for a disabled child. Although the Institute
of Fiscal Studies (IFS) calculates that average spending per child
via the social security system has risen by an unprecedented 44%
in real terms[211],
families in receipt of their full benefit entitlement still tell
us that they are barely getting by. Disability Alliance recently
addressed a meeting of the All Party Parliamentary Disability
Group where a mother with three disabled children who is in receipt
of her maximum benefit entitlement commented that she was "barely
getting by financially." Despite increases in income
support (IS) it is now a lower proportion of average earnings
than at any time over the last 20 years.
5.7 Children with sick or disabled parents
Sixty per cent of disabled adults in families
with children have an income below half the general population
mean, after adjusting for costs. Although this includes families
where the disabled parent is in work, in the majority of cases
the disabled parent is in receipt of earnings replacement benefits.[212]
5.7.1 A recent article in the Financial
Times reported that, in the last year, 47% of all appeals
(69,595) in nine different benefits were successful. There were
40,000 successful appeals for disability living allowance (DLA)
and 18,000 successful appeals for incapacity benefit (IB). Although
sick or disabled parents are likely to be experiencing problems
with incorrect assessments we fear that their parental responsibilities
leave them less time and energy to appeal.
6. THE EFFECTIVENESS
OF THE
GOVERNMENT'S
STRATEGIES TO
REDUCE CHILD
POVERTY AND
WHETHER THE
CHILD POVERTY
TARGETS WILL
BE MET.
IS ENOUGH
BEING DONE
ACROSS THE
GOVERNMENT AND
ARE FURTHER
INITIATIVES NEEDED?
6.1 Despite the Labour Government increases
to benefit levels and apparently successful "welfare to work"
programme, child poverty remains higher than it was twenty years
ago, and remains higher than most industrialized countries.
6.2 Work for those who can
6.2.1 Although mothers with disabled children
bitterly resent being told they are not working, most would like
some kind of paid employment outside the home for a few hours
a week.
6.2.2 However, as one mother in our survey
comments, is it "extremely difficult, if not impossible
to find a job that fits in with three disabled children. The main
difficulty is finding childcare. The second is the number of appointments
(psychologists, speech and language therapy, school meetings,
doctors etc . . . ) multiplied by three . . ." Another
comments "My eldest son was excluded from his mainstream
school in January and was out of school for four months. What
would I have done if in work or on my own?"
6.2.3 Although we welcome the introduction
of the childcare tax credit, we believe that childcare should
be provided free as an integral part of the state education system
for all families. Meanwhile, families with disabled children are
particularly disadvantaged by expensive and often inaccessible
childcare.
6.2.4 We are concerned that take-up of childcare
tax credit will mirror problems with low take-up of other benefits
such as DLA and Carer's Allowance. Clearly it is not without significance
that recent statistics on the take-up of the childcare tax credit
indicate that not a single family with two or more disabled children
currently receives this credit.
6.2.5 We therefore recommend that families
with disabled children should be able to access the childcare
tax credit for a "transitional" period prior
to taking up employment to ensure that their childcare arrangements
are suitable and unlikely to break down, and enable them to regain
the confidence, skills and training they need to access employment.
There should also be a "run-on" childcare tax credit
if a parent loses their job to enable them to seek employment.
This would also ensure continuity of childcare for the disabled
child.
6.3 Security for those who can't work
6.3.1 We believe that the direct link between
worklessness and poverty is a clear indication that the Government
is failing in its commitment to provide security for those who—for
whatever reason—are unable to work.
6.3.2 The Government's "work to welfare"
philosophy has resulted in families who cannot work because they
care for their disabled children feeling very undervalued. One
in our survey writes "As carers of two children with disabilities
we feel undervalued, underpaid, stressed. The Government don't
care, as far as they are concerned carers are a form of cheap
labour. We are sick of being labelled `unemployed' and continually
told there is no such job as a `carer'".
6.3.3 Given that families with disabled
children would almost certainly be working if they were not caring
full time, it is essential that carer's allowance be improved
so that it acknowledges their contribution as carers and better
reflects the earnings they are unable to access.
6.4 Inadequate benefits
6.4.1 Disabled people are over seven times
as likely as non-disabled people to be out of work. The majority
of disabled people rely upon social security benefits as a main
source of income. Unfortunately the Social Exclusion Unit's remit
explicitly excludes it from looking at the adequacy of benefits.
The fact that the Government has driven through policies that
have actually reduced benefit income for some groups, including
disabled people has not helped matters.
6.4.2 While Government improvements to child
benefit and the child premium in income support, and the child
tax credit are to be welcomed, recent statistics from the DWP
show that between 1995 and 2002 the average weekly payment of
incapacity benefit (IB) went down from £83.48 a week to £82.47.
IB currently amounts to less than 17% of average earnings. (Given
that thousands of children live in such households, this punitive
attitude runs directly counter to the Government's commitment
to eradicate child poverty.)
6.4.3 Take up of disability living allowance
(DLA) is notoriously low—between 40% and 60%. We would therefore
suggest a national take-up campaign to encourage hard-to-reach
families to apply for DLA for both themselves and/or their children.
6.4.4 We are currently gathering evidence
on extra costs incurred by disabled parents many of whom believe
that DLA should incorporate a "parenting element".
6.4.5 Families with two or more disabled
children are an easily identified group of children who are particularly
susceptible to poverty and would benefit from targeted action.
We would like to suggest the following adaptations to the benefit
system.
6.4.6 Automatic entitlements: Where
a family has two or more disabled children in receipt of DLA it
would make their lives so much easier if entitlements to other
help could be triggered automatically, for example the provision
of a "Family Blue Badge" or an automatic grant of £500
a year from the Social Fund. Given the relatively small numbers
involved, adopting this principle would not be costly.
6.4.7 Winter Fuel Allowance: we would
like to see this extended to families with two or more disabled
children, given the extra heating and laundry costs they incur.
6.4.8 Social Fund: In our survey,
we found that families were turned down by the Social Fund and,
because of demands on their time, did not appeal. We know also
that many families applying to the Family Fund (see below) have
been turned down by the Social Fund. We would suggest that an
automatic annual grant of £500 be paid to families with two
or more disabled children (in receipt of DLA). This would help
cover the many ongoing extra costs such families face. Costs such
as clothing, where the children's different disabilities mean
that handing down clothes is not possible, to the additional costs
involved with hospital admissions (which include childcare for
the second disabled child and any non-disabled children at home).
Many hospitals require a parent to `live-in' with their disabled
child during treatment and recovery but do not recognise the extra
costs this creates for parents.
6.4.9 Family Fund: The Fund is being
regularly asked for help by desperate families for essential items
(eg washing machines, clothing) which the Social Fund should have
helped with. This is sapping the Family Fund's ability to finance
the sort of "extra" activities originally envisaged—such
as holidays and driving lessons. In addition, due to shortage
of funds, the Family Fund increasingly finds itself unable to
help families where a parent is in work. We would recommend an
increase in the funding available so that parents are not disadvantaged
for going to work.
6.4.10 Carer's allowance: (CA) is
an earnings replacement benefit and should therefore match other
long-term earnings replacement benefits, like incapacity benefit.
Another option would be to make the allowance non-taxable (like
severe disablement allowance) which would allow for a more generous
CTC calculation.
6.4.11 Families in our survey feel very
strongly that it is unfair that a couple with two or more disabled
children can both claim carer's allowance, but a lone parent who
may be caring for two or three disabled children can only get
one lot of carer's allowance. There is therefore a strong argument
for an additional payment within CA for carers looking after more
than one disabled child. This additional payment could be reflected
in a double carers premium for those families on income support.
6.4.12 Child tax credit: Within the
tax credit calculation there is an enhanced disabled child element
worth £18.60 a week, available to families with a child on
DLA higher rate care component. We would like this element paid
automatically to families with a second (and for each subsequent)
disabled child, regardless of the level of DLA received. This
would be in addition to the disabled child element and the enhanced
disabled child element (where the child qualified due to receipt
of DLA higher rate care component).
6.4.13 Childcare Tax Credit: We feel
that the Government should pay 100% of childcare costs for families
with disabled children to reflect the extra costs and more limited
choices such families face. Meanwhile however, families with two
or more disabled children need to access childcare tax credit
for the period in which they are jobseeking. It is asking the
impossible for a parent to look after two or more severely disabled
children and look for work without help with childcare. Families
tell us they have enormous difficulties finding suitable childcare
and it can take a while for their child to settle (and for childcare
staff to feel confident in their role). The most realistic way
of helping families is to enable them to get childcare up and
running smoothly before seeking employment. Similarly, where a
parent is between jobs it would make sense for childcare to continue
while the parent looks for a new job. Given the complexities of
accessing appropriate childcare, and the need to avoid disruption
to such children, allowing a 6 month between jobs buffer would
be of most help.
6.4.14 Hospital fares: The existing
scheme should be extended to include visits to a child in hospital,
as well as taking a child for treatment.
6.4.15 Hospital downrating: DLA and
carers allowance should be brought in line with new downrating
rules for other benefits during hospital stays.
6.4.16 Disability living allowance:
There should be no age limit for access to either the higher or
lower mobility component of DLA. This would bring it into line
with the care component. Parents would still have to prove that
the needs of their child were greater than those of a non-disabled
child. Accessing the mobility component would enable families
to access Motability and the Blue Badge from an earlier age, which
is particularly important for families who have two or more disabled
children.
7. COMPARISON
BETWEEN CHILD
POVERTY IN
THE UK AND
OTHER COUNTRIES
7.1 Although Disability Alliance is not
equipped to comment on international comparisons, we do feel that
the situation in the US, upon which the UK bases so much of its
social policy, provides salutary lessons which we can only hope
will be heeded by the Government. In the US a shift from on-going
cash assistance to one focused on moving parents into permanent
jobs is causing severe problems for people who face particular
barriers to employment. Foremost amongst this group is disabled
people, and the most common barriers are physical or mental health
problems or the need to care for a disabled household member.[213]
Many are lone parents. Surely this is not a situation we wish
to emulate.
17 September 2003
201 Proportion of children living in low income households:
by presence of disabled people in the family, 1990-2000: Social
Trends 32, Office for National Statistics. Back
202
Households Below Average Income 2001-02-Table 4.7. Back
203
See HBAI 2001-02-which reveals that 35% of children in families
with disabled children live in poverty, and Proportion of children
living in low income households: by presence of disabled people
in the family, 1999-2000: Social Trends 32, Office for National
Statistics. Back
204
Tozer, R in Share an idea: the magazine of contact a family,
Autumn 2002, p 9. Back
205
See, for example, What is the impact on individual health
of services in primary health care settings which offer welfare
benefits advice? (The Health and Community Care Research Unit,
University of Liverpool, 2002) and Tackling pensioner poverty:
Encouraging take-up of entitlements (National Audit Office, November
2002). Back
206
Tozer, R in Share an idea: the magazine of contact a family,
Autumn 2002, p 9. Back
207
Tozer, R in Share an idea: the magazine of contact a family,
Autumn 2002, p 9. Back
208
Preston, G. "Families with two or more disabled children-preliminary
findings". (The Disability Rights Bulletin, Winter 2002.) Back
209
Families with two or more disabled children. Back
210
Disability Alliance, Families with two or more disabled children-case
studies. Back
211
Adam, Stuart, Brewer, Mike, Reed, Howard. The benefits of parenting:
Government financial support for families with children since
1975, (Joseph Rowntree Foundation and Institute of Fiscal Studies-Commentary
91, 15 November 2002). Back
212
Burchardt, Tania. Enduring economic exclusion: Disabled people,
income and work (Joseph Rowntreee Foundation, 2000). Back
213
Wilkins, Andrea TANF and Disabled parents (Wefare Reform (National
Conference of State Legislature, March 2003). Back
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