Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Memorandum by Andrew Sparke, Chief Executive, Dudley Council (VOT 06)

  In relation to the current consultation, I write to express my view as a local government professional with some 25 years experience in supervising electoral services. My comments largely focus on practicality but inevitably raise some issues which raise political considerations.

  Firstly, on average UK households contains two or three persons over 18 who are eligible to vote. Individual registration rather than household registration has the immediate consequence of doubling or tripling the transaction volumes which result in the production of the electoral register. This carries a substantial cost implication.

  Secondly, household registration is dependent on only one person in each household taking on the responsiblilty of completing a canvass form listing all of those in the household eligible to vote. If each such eligible person is required to individually register the inevitable consequence will be less vote registrations and thus a smaller electorate. If maximising voter registration is a primary purpose then individual registration will retard it. However, a smaller electorate comprising those who have all individually chosen to register, presumably because they wish to be able to vote is likely to lead to increased percentage turnout at elections which might be viewed as an advantageous outcome.

  From the above, one extrapolation is that individual registration would be likely to reduce the number of young adults still living in parental homes who appear on the electoral register. The same could well be true in "male-dominated households" in both poorer white and BME communities where women and young adults are currently included on the register by a male "Head of Household" without him being given much say in the matter.

  Compulsion to register is one potential tool to maximise registration under both household and individual registration regimes. However, persons are required to return the canvass form at present but prosecutions for failure to do so are few and far between. Enforcement is the real issue here and unless the legal duty is clear-cut, failure to comply with compulsory registration will not be seen as a serious matter by those who choose not to register. In fairness individual registration would clarify legal responsibility for registration and render effective enforcement of compulsory registration easier.

  The other issues raised in the consultation are matters of detail. Electronic registration will grow gradually if we afford the opportunity but paper based systems will be required for some years to come. Rules can be devised to assist disabled registration and the basis for individual registration could be something other than address, especially if national identity cards are rolled out in the medium term future.

  Finally, if a move to individual registration were to become the preferred government option, consideration could be given to the creation of a single national electoral register. The issue will be the risks for elections occurring within the transition period as a national register was being established. The scale of such a change should not be underestimated and I would probably argue that on balance local registration is likely to remain the most cost-effective and voter-friendly methodology. This does not mean that a mirroring national register could not be created by compiling a single data base comprising every electoral register produced by each and every UK district, Metropolitan, London and Unitary Borough. The main questions would be what purpose would such an exercise serve, who would it benefit and how much would it cost?

Andrew Sparke

Chief Executive


 
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Prepared 25 January 2005