Select Committee on Constitutional Affairs Written Evidence


Memorandum by Mr Mazin Zeki (VOT 26)

SUMMARY

    —  problems of the register;

    —  importance of separate stand-alone register;

    —  ethnic mobilisation is totally irrelevant;

    —  racialisation of the political process should be resisted;

    —  transience is a serious threat;

    —  the primacy of individual ballot and voting must not be infringed;

    —  electoral register is part of public sphere;

    —  postal voting is not the way forward; and

    —  centrality of jury service.

  The register should stand alone without any link to any other information or database. Any card which combines other functions must be strongly resisted. No "Malaysia card" system which combines other functions with electoral system. Independently supervised safeguards must exist against the collection of voting information.

  The privacy of register is to some extent a contradiction. It is meant to be a public document. The Robertson case, although undertaken with good intentions, has led to a very unsatisfactory and confusing outcome. There should be one register without any opt-out other than very exceptional circumstances to be decided on an objective basis.

  It must be of some concern that the community cohesion and Civil renewal agenda does not even mention such fundamental issues as registration, voting or jury service. A check on the national electoral database is a more complicated question. There is no reason to explore a link to other facts about an individual registrant unless there is a utilitarian argument which is separate from the register itself. No such utilitarian argument has been made. Not everybody who has a legitimate NI number (this is separate from the growing number of fraudulent numbers) is necessarily an eligible citizen. This is confusing residence with citizenship. This confusion is encouraged by multicultural propagandists.

  It is more important to undertake prosecutions of those who register falsely or who use the registration for fraudulent purposes. This should be considered as an additional offence separate from fraudulent registration itself. Also because of the confusion surrounding registration there is a strong case for non-prosecution for those who do not register because they are not sure if they are eligible.

  The chaotic state of electoral registration in inner-city boroughs is very much like the census. From personal experience I can vouch for the fact that the canvass for the electoral registration is not always accurate and is often carried out by poorly trained temporary staff. People who had not re-registered were still included on the register. There were people who were included in buildings which were undergoing demolition before the register was being compiled.

  Part of the reason is the transient nature of the workforce employed by the ERO in places like Haringey. In some cases there was no ID available for such workers thus lessening confidence in the register. The electoral registration officer has not responded to such concerns.

VOTING AS A CIVIC ACTIVITY AND THE JURY SYSTEM

  Great concern must be expressed about attempts to phase out traditional polling stations. Results of elections could be brought into question, as individuals can vote where they were registered not where at a current address. It is perfectly legal to register at more than one address provided only one vote is cast. This must remain the case. It should be up to voters to decide where they can cast their vote in the most effective way.

The question on nationality is asked twice and is therefore confusing.

The first question is "I am a citizen of . . ."

The question with a the mandatory signature states

"I am a citizen of the United Kingdom, . . ."

  However, a transient population such as that which occurs in Haringey is likely to undermine the electoral register. But the response of the local authority is to deny the reality of transience and even to deny the opportunity to discuss the issue of transience and its harmful effects.

  This transience is of course not caused by the voting system but has a negative impact upon it. It affects the ability of parties to maintain membership. It therefore undermines the legitimacy of the democratic order. It is of great concern that transience has been denied by observers when they were in a position to influence local events.

POSTAL VOTING

  All-postal ballots must be resisted for several reasons. E-enabled elections do not necessarily increase turnout. The secret ballot is compromised. The report from the Electoral Commission may be misleading . The traditional ballot strengthens civil society because it is a visible, shared activity. The mechanisms for all-postal voting are too weak to be considered, except in special circumstances. The argument that turnout rises in all-postal ballots is very misleading. It is true in the short term but tends to fall thereafter. This has been the experience in Britain and in other countries. The continual decline in turnout will only be halted when differences are more marked between political parties. This subject is outside the remit of the consultation and has been underlined by studies by the Electoral Reform Society. It may increase turnout if it is an experiment and therefore a novelty, but great concern must be expressed about all-postal ballots for significant political events such as referenda on constitutional or similar matters. Great concern must also be expressed about the Electoral Commission which has remained silent on some aspects of this such as the impact of transience.

IRRELEVANCE OF ETHNICITY

  A number of self-appointed representative groups have sprung up which claim to represent particular minorities in the political process. What perhaps is more disturbing is that mainstream parties take such claims seriously instead of facing down the immature claims head on. Strangely none of their claims has been supported by a shred of evidence. Furthermore, there is not a shred of evidence that ethnic minorities are under-represented in voting registers.

  Political parties which make claims to represent this or that group must submit their total paid membership of eligible citizens. Observers can judge just how accountable or and representative such claims are. These are purely demagogic statements which are irresponsible. There are real dangers that the voting system could be abused by demagogues, and demagogic elements who are being promoted under the rubric of so-called "diversity" to mobilise on the basis of ethnic or other identity. Although currently fashionable this is potentially very harmful to the democratic process. Far from reflecting diversity, as some observers are fond of proclaiming, it can only lead to greater factionalism and the balkanisation of the political process. Politics should be decided on the clear and open clash of political differences and political ideas but not subjectively defined identity.

  Any identifiers in the voting register must not be included if they can identify any other non-objective facts. The numerical strength of ethnic voters has ostensibly been gauged from tabulating the number of "foreign sounding names" from the register in particular areas. This is not a sound basis for reaching conclusions partly because areas of high ethnic concentration are also areas of high transience. In addition many "ethnic" names are actually English names. And vice versa. It is also based on the absurd extrapolation that all these foreign sounding names would vote in a particular direction and are not divided by political opinion, class, other identities and loyalties. This is the politics of fantasy indulged in by particular lobby groups in tandem with particular think tanks who seek to make demands. Such statements should not be taken seriously since they are based on a total misreading of the voting register. It can best be done by withdrawing recognition from organisations such as Operation Black Vote which have no specific and demonstrable democratic mandate based on membership etc but make outlandish claims on behalf of communities.

JURY SYSTEM

  This consultation could have benefitted from a wider review of the interaction with the jury system. This is at the heart of citizenship a concept which is constantly used but never actually defined objectively.

  Now the electoral registration has been reformed through a rolling system. This is currently often patchy and although compulsory it has become voluntary in practice. The registration system is one of those ties that bind all of us. It is not only a way of ensuring that residents who qualify can cast their vote. The accuracy of the electoral registration system must also be maintained as it is the basis for jury selection. Great concern must also be expressed about how this subject has been totally ignored in the community cohesion agenda.

  The random basis of selection, which must not be infringed under any circumstances, is best assured through an accurate register. Random selection, because it reflects society as a whole, remains the best vehicle for delivering the highest possible levels of criminal justice.

  But in areas of high transience, typically inner city areas—the registration system suffers and therefore the selection system may be affected adversely.

  Many also avoid registration in order to escape possible service on a jury.

  The only way to achieve a higher turnout and to ensure that the jury system reflects the voting population will be to tighten up on registration and make it compulsory. The electoral lists include those who may not be eligible for full voting rights. It includes those with an inadequate grasp of English or Welsh. And jury service excludes those over 70 even if they are willing to and able to serve, which many are. This is both discriminatory and does not reflect the reality of an ageing society. The above factors will reduce the pool of potential jurors relative to the registered electorate from which they are drawn. This is an objective problem which has not been addressed.

  Avoiding jury service is an offence but prosecutions are very rare and this also discredits the system. The jury system is a progressive gain which has been taken for granted and requires robust defence. Meanwhile the integrity of the jury system has to be maintained against external attacks. But it must also be protected from attrition by those who are avoiding serving on a jury.

  The work of Amitai Etzioni on communitarianism has sought discuss issues of "rights and responsibilities". It is often forgotten that the inspiration for this work was the jury system, not taxation. His study found that both liberals and authoritarians believed in the jury system as a public good but avoided it if called.

  Action must be taken against those who avoid electoral registration largely, but not only, in order to avoid jury service. Additionally action must be taken against those who refuse or avoid jury service when called. Ultimately it is a choice of balancing rights and responsibilities on a proportionate basis. Which is the bedrock principle of human rights.

  There may be difficult but necessary choices to preserve the integrity of both the jury principle and universal electoral registration on which it is based.

  Penalties for avoiding jury service should be accompanied with penalties for deliberately and unreasonably avoiding electoral registration and or of registering falsely.

  Compulsion is the only utilitarian, realistic and progressive way forward. A more efficient electoral registration system will strengthen the jury system by drawing on a larger pool of potential jurors.

  What is required is a much broader inquiry into the whole subject of jury service and, its relation to citizenship and criminal justice. There are electoral, political, community cohesion and other implications which have been ignored. In particular this creates a challenge for the criminal justice system and human rights organisations which have not responded with sufficient seriousness to the problem.

  Bernard Crick in his report on "Living in the United Kingdom" mentioned the "minimum" English needed, as below GCSE 1 level. But his report did not even mention jury service. Sir Bernard is the chair of the Advisory Panel on Citizenship and Naturalisation which has issued a new guide to citizenship. It appears not to mention jury service. This omission must be a matter of deep concern.

  There is therefore a strong case for a much broader consultation on the whole issue which will include the points above.


 
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Prepared 25 January 2005